India's Child Soldiers: Reality Check

Original Source: http://www.claws.in/Indias-Child-Soldiers-Reality-Check-Pratibha-Singh.html

I joined the military dalam when I was 13 or 14 years old. I was studying in an ashram school (government run residential school) in eighth standard, when Naxalites came to my hostel. I did not want to go. They said I could study until the 10^th standard, but I should go with them. We got training, learnt about landmines and a little karate. (Finally) I had an opportunity to run away… One year after I ran away, both my younger brothers (age 8 and 12) were killed (by the Naxalites in retaliation). They beat my mother and broke her arm. They burned our house and took all our things. (Former Child Dalam member, December 2007)[1]

The police asked me also to become an SPO( special police officer) but I refused because I did not want to become an SPO and commit heinous crimes. I did not want to shoot and kill people. They do not ask anyone how old they are. Even 14 year olds can become SPOs if the police want them to become SPOs. (Poosam Kanya(pseudonym), former resident of Errabore Camp, December 2007)[2]

The above two statements exemplify the horror of exposing children to conflict. They find themselves sandwiched between the violence perpetrated by armed opposition groups and the State armed forces. The Government of India is a signatory to the optional protocol on the Involvement of children in armed conflict[3], which was further ratified on 30^th November, 2005.

According to Asian Centre for Human Rights, there are 3000 child soldiers (including State forces and armed opposition groups) in India (as of March 2013), 500 in the State of Jammu and Kashmir and Northeast India; 2500 in the left wing extremism affected areas. These figures form only the tip of the iceberg. The periodic report submitted by the Government of India (prepared by Ministry of Women and Child Development) in 2011 on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict to the Convention on the Rights of Child has not only denied the existence of child soldiers in India but also misrepresented facts regarding sub conventional conflict taking place in various parts of the country. The report states “Even though India does not face armed conflict, there are legislative provisions that prevent involvement of children in armed conflict and provide care and protection to children affected by armed conflict”[4]. UN Committee on the Child of rights is scheduled to consider it during its 66^th pre-sessional working group to be held in Geneva from 7-11 October, 2013.

This denial has not only distorted facts but also justified or rather absolved rampant recruitment of child soldiers in the armed opposition groups who are increasingly becoming an internal security threat. While terrorist organisations in India have an unprecedented number of child soldiers in their ranks, there are reports of the state police forces too, having recruited people below the age of 18 years. As per unconfirmed reports, the Chhattisgarh police has recruited approximately 300 “Bal Rakshaks” seven of whom are posted with 4^thbattalion (engaged in counter insurgency) of Chhattisgarh Police at Mana in Raipur. These reports still need to be verified.

Considering there is a large number of children in the armed conflict of left wing extremism, which has caused an irreparable damage to their lives, it becomes imperative to analyse what drives so many children to pick up arms. Recently, Muppalla Laxmana Rao aka Ganapathi in a 7000  words letter to party members has admitted having crisis within the party due to lack of leaders not only at the top but also in party ranks. Lack of volunteers for the cause is perhaps driving the Maoist leadership to recruit child soldiers. This is clearly visible in the exceptional number of women and children in the naxal cadres. Around 40 to 60 percent of naxal cadres now comprise of women.

Maoists also have a policy of forcibly recruiting at least one child from every family. With heightened security in the region, they use children for covert operations, which involve planting and ferrying lethal weapons and explosives. Mass exodus of leaders from Maoist cadres has led to large-scale recruitment of children who are easy to terrorise and manipulate. A top commander of a banned terrorist outfit (on condition of anonymity) revealed to Tehelka Magazine that, “Minors are an easier lot to train. Initially the boys cry but they also fall in line quickly, because they are fresh and smart. By the time they are fully trained, they can serve the party for a long time. We even recruit girls; they are not given arms training. Some freelancers and collaborators recruit minors for us on commission basis”.

In September 2013, few gun toting rebels abducted eight children and two adults to groom them to make bombs. “They forcibly dragged our children into the nearby jungles and disappeared even as we pleaded for mercy”, says Bilokhan Lohra. His 10 year old son, Pardeshi Lohra was amongst those who were abducted. A week ago, his mutilated body was found dumped near his house, his stomach ruptured and hands torn. The post mortem report has revealed that he lost his life during an explosion. No child of a tribal family deserves that fate. As per the report by Hindustan Times on September 20, 2013, Jharkhand Police has prepared a list of Maoist leaders whose lives are soaked in corruption. The Maoist leaders are busy carving out bright prospects for their own children while putting the lives of other’s children at risk. Some details are:

• The son of CPI Maoist Central Committee member Pramod Mishra arrested from Dhanbad colliery town of Jharkhand some years ago, is a qualified engineer.
• Ugeshwarji, sub zonal commander of the CPI (Maoist) leads the operation in the border areas of Bihar and Jharkhand has four daughters, three of whom study in a private English school in Latehar.
• Maoist Commander Shivlal Yadav’s sons study in a good private school in Daltonganj.
• Gopal Ganjhu the sub zonal commander sends his two kids to a popular school.

In left wing extremism affected areas, schools are being targeted to propagate the Maoist ideology. Lessons imparted to young, impressionable minds are distinctly anti-establishment and give a message that a revolution is necessary to overthrow the Government. Government run schools have shut down due to high violence levels forcing the locals to send their children to naxal run schools. This way, many children voluntarily fall into their trap and launch attacks against the State forces.

Due to lack of state intervention in the developmental paradigm of the region, glorification of war by the naxals and the irreparable psychological damage caused by a long drawn conflict, children are increasingly drifting towards the Maoist ideology. As per Mr. Shubhranshu Choudhary, founder of CGNET Swara and author of “Let’s call him Vasu”, “300 boys of the naxal cadres went to Nayagarh from Chhattisgarh. They walked undetected for 3 months with two guns each on their shoulders. If this is possible in India, then we are headed for a very dangerous situation”.

India’s denial of the existence of child soldiers in its armed conflict deprives many families of mere hope to receive justice for having sacrificed the lives of their children. At a time when International Court of Justice has given verdicts against terror outfits in Africa for using child soldiers, which has also contributed towards maligning their image, India has perhaps missed the opportunity. Few recommendations that emerge out of the article are as follows:

• Awareness has to be generated regarding the issue of child soldiers in India through media and academic circles.
• Integrated Child Protection Scheme launched by the MWCD in 2009 already provides care and protection to children affected by or involved in conflict. A comprehensive rehabilitation scheme should be designed especially child soldiers to control their ever-increasing number.
• Strict action should be taken against individuals or groups who are responsible for recruiting child soldiers.
• Integration of children into mainstream society through intervention in the field of education and health in conflict zones would be vital.

The author is a Research Assistant at CLAWS

 Views expressed are personal

References:

-Asian Centre for Human Rights, India’s Child Soldiers, March 2013

-Murthy Vijay and Sharma Vishal, “Jharkhand: 2 abducted kids flee Maoists, return home”, Hindustan Times, September 2013

-Murthy Vijay, “Children of Gods: tactics using minors easy option for reds”, Hindustan Times, September 2013

-Singh Pratibha, “Naxal Target Schools”, CLAWS, March 2013

-Choudhary Randip, “No Child Soldiers says India. Truth says otherwise”, Tehelka.com, May 2013

-Krishnan Murali, “India pressed to address child soldier issue”, Deutsche Welle, May 2013

---

[1]Dangerous Duty: Children and the Chattisgarh Conflict, Report by Human Right Watch, September,2008

[2] Ibid

[3] Article 2 of the Optional Protocol to the CRC provides that “State parties shall ensure that persons who have not attained the age of 18 years are not compulsorily recruited into their armed forces”. Article 3 further provides the minimum age for the voluntary recruitment into the national armed forces shall be 18 years and above. Article 4 states that the armed opposition groups should not under any circumstances, recruit or use in hostilities persons under the age of 18 years and the State parties shall take all feasible measures to prevent such recruitment and use

[4] Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of Child on the “Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict”, 2011,Ministry of Women and Child Development(GOI), Under Article 4, point number 15, 16 and 17 http://wcd.nic.in/crc3n4/crc3n4_2r.pdf

A village in a once Maoist hotbed gives a thumbs up to woman power for two decades

Original Source:http://www.theweekendleader.com/Success/1626/women-first.html

Kultikiri is a special village. Located in Sankhrail block of West Bengal's Paschim Medinipur district, a region once infamous for being the hotbed of Maoist activity, the people of this small hamlet have set a unique precedent – for the last two decades now, they have only voted women into the local panchayat.

Contrary to what many may assume, Kultikiri has successively elected all women panchayats not because of the reservations for women.

Kultikiri’s village pradhan, Anamika Sahoo addresses the local women (Photos: Saadia AzimWFS)

The fact is that its women leaders have beaten their male counterparts fair and square on the basis of their superior leadership qualities and a spectacular track record of development.

These days, Anamika Sahoo, a 38-year-old mother-of-two, is at the helm of the village panchayat. She is a first-time panchayat member, elected to be the pradhan (head) of a seven-member gram panchayat.

Talking about the reasons behind Kultikiri's legacy of grassroots women's leadership, she proudly says, "Although this has been a woman-ruled panchayat for the last 20 years, it's not like the men have not stood for elections. They have simply lost every time. What has worked in favour of women for four consecutive terms is our good work."

According to local activist Partha Khanra, West Bengal has successfully held regular panchayat elections for the last 35 years and it is a great model for thriving grassroots democracy.

"In fact, it is the only state in India where even panchayat elections are a very political affair.

“The Left Front, which ran the state government for over 35 years, initially promoted Kultikiri as an all-women panchayat with the idea of giving a fillip to women's participation in grassroots politics.

“Today, however, it is a well-established, successful panchayati raj unit running on its own merit," he says.

Ever since the women gained control of the Kultikiri panchayat, the 12,000 people who inhabit this village have only prospered.

The literacy levels are generally high – around 70 per cent women and 60 per cent men are educated; and nearly everyone is gainfully employed, thanks to the proper implementation of the central government's flagship scheme, the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA).

In the last fiscal year, the panchayat actively disbursed more than Rs 53 lakh under this scheme. Says Sahoo, "Our major thrust has been to identify work and then facilitate the proper disbursement of funds under the MGNREGA."

Significantly, every woman in Kultikiri enjoys economic independence and is in a position to contribute to the family income. They are either running small village-level enterprises or have joined different Self Help Groups. Pradhan Sahoo, a graduate, also supplements her earnings by taking tuitions.

What Kajal Rawat, 27, the Up-Pradhan (deputy village head), is most satisfied about is the high rate of literacy in her village. "Ours is not just any all-woman panchayat. We are young, energetic women, who are full of new ideas that can enable our community to grow and flourish.

“The fact that all of us in the panchayat are well educated has made a big difference. I can confidently say that we do not have a single drop-out from our village," remarks the youthful leader, who after graduating from a local college now divides her time between her panchayat duties, her job as a school teacher and taking extra classes for the girls in the village.

Besides Sahoo and Rawat, there's Pramila Singha, a panchayat member who is also an ASHA (Accredited Social Health Activist) worker, and Sushama Kisku, 26, another part-time teacher.

All the women take their official work very seriously. Says Kisku, "I go to the panchayat office every afternoon after school. In the evening, I meet up with the Self Help Groups that the panchayat has helped set up.

“These all-women groups undertake a variety of activities, including integrated farming, bamboo basket-making and puffed rice and bori (sun dried lentil nuggets) making. The stuff they produce or make is sold in the local village market. On our part we also conduct regular weekly village haats (market fairs) to promote fair business practices amongst farmers and cattle breeders."

Ramani Singha, 26, another enthusiastic panch, is really glad she got the opportunity to work with such a committed group of women.

She is currently pursuing her Masters degree in Bengali literature and feels that it is her education that has motivated her to do something for her people. "We feel so empowered because we can understand the community’s needs," she notes.

But even as these women understand what works for their people and have also been able to deliver on their expectations, the political environment is becoming increasingly tougher for them.

Panchayat elections in West Bengal were scheduled to be held in early May. But because of a case in the Calcutta High Court between the State Election Commission and the state government over the deployment of para-military forces during panchayat elections the polls had been deferred.

Now fresh dates have been announced and elections are to be held from June 28 onwards in three phases.

Of course, in this election season, Kultikiri's panch's have been at the receiving end of political mudslinging.

Says Sahoo, "The village is now politically very sensitive. After the Left Front was voted out of power there have been several instances of clashes because of political enmity.

The all woman panchayat of Kultikiri ensures that people get their dues under various government schemes. Here Anamika Sahoo, the pradhan, (left) hands over a cheque to a beneficiary, Uma Singha

“My husband is on the run for the last one year after he was threatened with dire consequences by rival outfits. But I have not lost hope. We have the people's support and I will fight for my rights."

Kisku has her own take on the situation, "All members of Kultikiri gram panchayat had been Left nominees and the seat was with the Left parties since 1992. But with the change of power at the helm of the state, the political approach is also changing."

Another reason for the rise in threats is the fact that whereas earlier "even rival political parties had nominated women to fight elections in this village now the people want to grab power and not leave it solely for women".

But Rawat and Singha are not too worried about their political future as they are both contesting elections.

Explains the duo, "There has been pressure to grab power from elected members like us. Our panchayat members were jeered at and asked to resign by our rivals.

Even now, although the polls have been deferred, we are being constantly threatened and asked not to file our nominations when the time comes. But we will fight the next elections just as we have done in the past."

Sahoo, the leader of this inspiring bunch, has the final word: "We do not want this seat to be reserved for women. All these years, our village has been a model for women's empowerment.

“These days we even have a woman chief minister, so all we hope is that whenever panchayat elections are held in West Bengal they will be free and fair. If they are indeed free and fair, women will certainly come to power again.” - Women's Feature Service

- See more at: http://www.theweekendleader.com/Success/1626/women-first.html#sthash.rAdWM6Di.dpuf

Are Young Women really racing to Syria's front lines to wage sex jihad?

Original Source: http://blog.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/09/26/sorry_the_tunisian_sex_jihad_is_a_fraud

It's the story that launched 1,000 headlines. And it's not hard to see why: Tunisian Interior Minister Lotfi Ben Jeddou announced last week that Tunisian women were traveling to Syria to wage "sex jihad," where they were having sex with "20, 30, [or] 100" militants, before returning pregnant to Tunisia.

There's only one problem: There's no evidence it's true. The Tunisian Interior Ministry has so far failed to provide any further information on the phenomenon, and human rights activists and journalists have been unable to find any Tunisian woman who went to Syria for this purpose.

"Everything I've heard were very broad allegations that didn't really have all the features of a serious reporting about the case," said Amna Guellali, the Tunisia researcher for Human Rights Watch. "All I have is very sparse, very little information, and I think that's true for a lot of people working in the human rights community, in addition to reporters."

According to Guellali, the political context of the statement could shed light on why the interior minister chose to make this accusation now. The Tunisian government has been under fire for allegedly asking adult women for authorization from their husbands or fathers before they travel to certain countries in the Middle East -- Ben Jeddou was justifying any restrictions by saying that the government was attempting to prevent women from embarking on "sex jihad" in Syria. The interior minister has also made the fight against extremist Salafi groups a centerpiece of his term in office. Suggesting that Tunisian Salafi women are sleeping with dozens of Syrian rebels could be another way to discredit them.

Reports of Tunisian women engaging in "sex jihad" in Syria have ping-ponged around the media for months, though the interior minister's statement is the first time it has been given an official imprimatur. As journalist Sana Saeed catalogs, the first reports appeared on Lebanese new channel Al Jadeed and in the pan-Arab newspaper Al Hayat, which cited a fatwa by famed Saudi cleric Mohammed al-Arefe justifying the practice. Arefe, however, subsequently denied that he had done so, saying that "no sane person" would sanction such a thing.

Pro-Assad media have been only too eager to advance the idea of "sex jihad" as a way to tar their opponents. Syrian state television ran an interview with a 16-year-old girl named Rawan Kaddah in which she admitted to the practice. The Syrian opposition, however, denounced the program as staged and blasted the regime for exploiting children in such a way.

The only real evidence of women embarking on "sex jihad," comes not from Syria but from Tunisia's Chaambi Mountains, an area in the west of the country that has often been the site of clashes between the military and jihadists. Tunisian security forces there arrested several girls who were allegedly involved in the practice. Guellali said that she spoke to the mother of an 18-year-old female who was involved -- the mother said that a woman close to the Tunisian militant group Ansar al-Sharia got her daughter tangled up in a network of girls in the area.

But the scope of the problem -- and whether it is related to Syria in any way -- remains a complete mystery.

"It's a bit disturbing that we have these kind of declarations and then there is no follow-up," said Guellali. "[The authorities] threw out this information that they had several cases of women coming back pregnant, but there is no tracking of the cases either by the Ministry of Women or the Ministry of Interior. And they won't give any further information."

North East Pasage

Original Source:http://www.womensurvivorsnetwork.org/articles.php?event=det&id=89&page=1


A campaign aims to correct a grievous omission in school textbooks - the near exclusion of the history of the North-East.

Binalakshmi Nepram, a 30-something activist from Manipur has traded guns for history. A noted disarmament activist (Nepram is the founder of the 'Manipur Women Gun Survivor Network' and convenor of the 'North-East India Women Initiative for Peace' ) she is presently canvassing the cause of the history of the North-East, which she feels isn't adequately represented in school and university textbooks across the country.

"Every child in India who goes to school knows about the Rani of Jhansi. Why not about the people from the eight states of the northeast who too did something worthwhile to be read about in school books? In our syllabus, the North-East is reduced to only trivia like Cherrapunji is one of the wettest places on earth, " she says, with some resentment.

Like so many other youth from the region Nepram went to college in the capital in the 1990s. She studied history at Delhi University (a bachelors and then a masters) but pursued it with some indignation - mostly because the history of her part of the country didn't manage even a chapter in her five years of study. "It surprised and even angered me. I confronted one of my professors, the renowned Sumit Sarkar, and he apologised on behalf of the entire fraternity for this miss, which was shocking to my mind, " she says.

But she was able to take up the issue only a yearand-a-half ago, and with a few like-minded friends from the region, founded the campaign called 'Weaving Histories of North-East India'. Much background research has been followed up by talks with local historians about the need for incorporating the region's history into mainstream Indian textbooks. "We have approached all those bodies that make school syllabus because that's where the change has to begin first, " says Nepram. The group has had meetings with the NCERT (National Council for Educational Research and Training), the CBSE (Central Board of Secondary Education) and the ICHR (Indian Council for Historical Research). "We've also met Shashi Tharoor, the minister of state for human resources development, as his ministry is the final authority in approving any changes in the syllabus, " she elaborates, adding that she was greeted with positive responses.

While the CBSE has told them that it was already beginning to rectify its online courses, the NCERT has asked them to prepare suggestions for inclusion in mainstream textbooks by 2015, when it is likely to meet to evaluate school syllabi.

However, the NCERT's response to TOI-Crest is different. MVSV Prasad, of the NCERT's Department of Education in Social Sciences states that, "No specific proposal was sought from any particular group. However, NCERT takes account of representations, suggestions and feedback from various sources as and when the current syllabus and textbooks are revised. During the processes of designing curriculum and developing syllabi and textbooks, the concerned committees consider various issues that are to be incorporated at different levels. "

He adds, "It is unfair to say that the North-East has been ignored from our textbooks. Indeed, the latest NCERT textbooks, developed during 2006-2008, have made extensive references to the region. " Prasad also points out that the NCERT has to focus on the entire nation when developing textbooks. "The North-East region may be eight states but they make up only 4 per cent of the population of the country whereas the region's coverage in the textbooks - not just history but across subjects - is about 10 per cent. However, that doesn't imply that we can't have further coverage. "

It's such 'further coverage' that could pacify ruffled feathers on the subject. Priyam Goswami, a professor of history at Gauhati University and honorary director of the Northeast chapter of ICHR says, "Most of the historical references right now are Brahmaputra Valley-centric. Yet the region is not one homogeneous whole but highly diverse. At places where we can't have whole chapters, we could incorporate the history of the region in a way we do for South India. Since I'm from Assam I could point out certain instances of Assamese history that could be mentioned - reference to Assam in epics, pauranic and tantrik literature;Muslim invasions of Assam in 1206, 1226 and 1257, all of which were repulsed;Buranji literature or the historical chronicles of Ahom rulers (who ruled here for six centuries ); Maidams which were vaults with chambers to bury Ahom kings and nobility;Sankardeva, a Vaishnavite saint/scholar/reformer who had a tremendous impact on Assam and so much more. " She adds that even college books on India's freedom struggle hardly make references to Assam, creating an assumption that the region was not involved at all.

Goswami, however, points out that the coverage of the North-East should not be restricted to just history but should extend to other subjects as well.

The NCERT counters by saying that many such references already exist and suggests that the exercise begin at the state level. "Besides, we get such grouses from all over the country. Whichever part of the country you go to they feel they have not been adequately represented. Certain districts too have similar complaints about not getting enough representation in the state books!"

Even as the debate about what makes for adequate representation goes on Nepram's group plods on with creating its proposal for the next NCERT meet, which may take place in 2015. "It's not a difficult task as we don't have to begin from scratch. There are quite a few good books only on the history of the region and along with the historians, we have to figure out what is important enough from each state to be given a national platform, " she says.

More tiresome for Nepram's team is, perhaps, handling detractors who, surprisingly, also hail from the same region. "I was shocked that instead of supporting us, some historians are actually decrying our work. Why do they then blame India (sic) for their problems when they themselves don't want any resolution?" she asks.
Some of her critics have even questioned the right of Nepram's team to undertake this exercise. "We are not historians, " she responds to her critics, adding, "we are only facilitating an exercise as a catalyst. "

Promoting Peace Through Art: Laajverd's workshops in Pakistan Schools

Original Source:http://www.insightonconflict.org/2013/07/pakistan-peace-schools/

Zahid Shahab Ahmed shares his insights on Laajverd’s peacebuilding work in Pakistan. Laajverd is a group of young artists who run awareness raising projects and promote peace using art and culture.

In the last week of January 2013, I visited some members of the youth organisationLaajverd, to gain an insight into their peacebuilding activities in Pakistan. Laajverd is a group of young artists who run awareness raising projects and promote peace using art and culture.

The war on terror has significantly changed the lives of the people in the area Laajverd works, but cultural activities can help heal their wounds, according to the organanisation.

Their initiatives bring people together and help them make sense of the society they live in. Terrorist attacks are frequent in this area and children talk often about war, drone attacks, blasts and killings.

Laajverd is trying to develop an alternative, creative discourse around this context and it is making children reflect on their own environment and society.

How Laajverd works

I first met a team of three passionate artists – Zahra, Fatima and Abdullah -, who were holding a four-day workshop at the Vanguard School in Lohari Gate, a private school in Old Lahore. They were working with a group of nine children aged between eight and ten years old.

During the workshop, the pupils shared their experiences about the conflict affecting their neighbourhood, reporting stories of crime, terrorism, drone attacks, collapsing buildings, and more. They learned how to communicate these stories through drawing and acting. By the end of January, over 100 children had participated in the Laajverd workshops in Lahore.

I also visited Sanjan Nagar School, where Laajverd’s artists conducted a ten-day workshop as part of the school’s summer programme. The participants were 20 students, from grade four to six. The workshop had an interesting focus on photojournalism and the children were given digital cameras to capture their surroundings.

Laajverd also runs the Bacha Bulletin project, funded by the Commonwealth Foundation under its Culture and Conflict programme. The aim of this innovative project is to bridge the communication gap between the younger and older generations, by promoting a culture of storytelling. Young people are invited to share their stories through the Bacha Bulletin, which is published in a local newspaper, the Express Tribune.

In the video below, Zahra and Fatima talk in depth about Laajverd and highlight one of the successful stories of their organisation.

The first project Laajverd launched with children involved creating a series of comics. Children were shown photos of their local area and they were invited to imagine stories, characters and scenarios. Laajverd artists then drew the comic strips and posted copies in the area where the children lived.

Laajverd also organises Chai tea sessions with children, inviting them to gather and share stories. Storytelling is an important aspect of South Asian culture but it is usually the elders who tell children stories from their past. For this reason the young participants were really keen to share their stories too and they were curious about the project.

Laajvers also worked in a school in Saidpur Village, a tourist area in Islamadad. Here they addressed some local issues, such as the impact of tourism on the traditional culture. During the workshops, run over ten Sundays, children turned into tourist guides. In this way, the pupils learned about the history and culture of their village, while tourists had the opportunity to listen to local stories.

Challenges facing Laajverd’s work

A major challenge was designing workshops where children were asked to use their imagination through theatre. In some schools the Laajverd team had to do only two exercises, while in others, where children were used to a more traditional and authoritarian way of teaching, the team did nine theatre exercises to achieve the same outcome.

Another challenge was the time allowed for the project, as in most of the schools Laajverd could only run only two-hour workshops. The team felt that the time was not enough to fully engage with the children, to build a relationship with them, and teach them drawing techniques.

Finally, another improvement could be the inclusion of the teachers in the project and the organisation of some training for them too. In one of the six schools, the teachers were interested in replicating the workshop and implementing the Laajverd model. Although the team is not sure about the future of this project, they are considering spending some time with the teachers in each school.

In conclusion, this case study of Laajverd highlights the importance of using culture and art as a tool to build sustainable peace. Projects like these should be encouraged and promoted.

The Plight of the Female Refugees: Breaking Barriers

Original Source:http://www.huffingtonpost.ca/senator-mobina-jaffer/female-refugee_b_3806308.html

We have learned from Bebe that the spirit of female refugees all over the world is unwavering. Every day more than 7.3 million women live and work, regardless of setbacks, to provide for their families. Women, who like all people, want nothing more than to have a better life for themselves and for those they love.

It is women like Bebe who would thrive, given the opportunity to do so. So why is it that although more than 48% of refugees are women, compared to their male counterparts, refugee women have not been engaged in the refugee resettlement process in countries like Canada? It was not until the last decade that refugee women and children even began to be considered refugees in their own right, as opposed to only part of a "family package." Gender considerations, including the possibility that women might be especially at risk, are relatively new.

In March 1993, Canada became the first country in the world to introduce a comprehensive set of guidelines on the inclusion of gender as a "social group" under the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. The Guidelines, which became effective November 1996, allow for an interpretation of the refugee definition in a way that incorporates gender-related claims of refugee women and stand today as an example for other countries addressing this issue.

While this is an immense accomplishment for our nation, it is not the end of the story for female refugees like Bebe who continue to struggle in many areas of the world. Many barriers persist which make it difficult for female refugees to resettle in safe countries - countries like Canada. Restricted access to the funds needed to complete the refugee application process, limited mobility especially where female refugees are also mothers accounting for their children, minimal education and language skills, as well as an inability to recount traumatic experiences for religious, cultural, or personal reasons in an interview setting are all factors which make it difficult for female refugees to become involved in the refugee determination process.

The vast majority of those who flee do not choose to willingly live under burlap tents or behind barbed-wire fences, unless they are fleeing for their safety. Women who flee do so to escape bombardments, inevitable starvation, and widespread oppression. We cannot allow barriers in the Canadian refugee system to deny many women and young girls the chance of living a life free of conflict and fear.