Sunday 30 June 2013

Chandraprabha Saikiani: The Path Breaking Lady of Assam

 Original Source- http://pib.nic.in/feature/feyr2002/fmar2002/f200320021.html

Researcher- Hansa Rochlani

Chandraprabha Saikiani is a name which inspires manifold feelings - awe, reverence, wonder; a name which epitomises the sublime qualities of womanhood, of all that a woman is rarely capable of being. Hers is a household name in Assam, a woman who was a staunch believer of women’s emancipation and gender equality. She was the rebel fighting for the rights of the vulnerable and weaker sections of society, a feminist in the truest sense, advocating the rights of women in a predominantly man’s world.
    Born in the year 1901 to Gangapriya and Ratiram Mazumdar, the village headman of Doisingari village of undivided Kamrup district in Assam, Chandraprabha, born Chandrapriya, belonged to a large family. Her father encouraged her sister Rameshwari and Chandraprabha to go to school. The two sisters faced untold hardships while going to study at a boys’ school which was several miles away from their village. Seeing their deep interest in pursuing academics, Nila Kanta Barua, the school inspector arranged for scholarships for the two girls at the Nagaon Mission School along with boarding facilities for their higher education. Here not only did Chandraprabha engage herself in serious study, but also inspired her sister Rameshwari to do the same. Later on, her sister who came to be known as Rajaniprabha went on to become the first woman doctor of Assam. It was during her days at the Mission School that Chandraprabha revolted against the English hostel superintendent, a Miss Long, for discriminating between the Hindu and the Christian students, and making derogatory remarks about Indians. Her protest did not go in vain and Chandraprabha tasted success giving her the confidence in her subsequent fight against discrimination.



    After completing her education in Nagaon, Chandraprabha taught for sometime at a primary school in Nagaon before leaving for Tezpur where she was appointed as headmistress of Tezpur Girl’s M.E. School.
    It was in the historic town of Tezpur that Chandraprabha came into contact with such luminaries of Assam as Chandranath Sharma, Omeo Kumar Das, Jyotiprasad Agarwalla and Lakhidhar Sarma to name a few. She was inspired by their ideals and was greatly influenced by them.
    As a young girl of seventeen, Chandraprabha attended the Asom Chhatra Sammelan, the Students’ Conference held at Tezpur in 1918. She addressed the large gathering against the evil effects of opium addiction and demanded an immediate ban on it throughout the State. This was an unprecedented event as she was the only female speaker in the meeting.
    Chandraprabha had by now become associated with taking up social causes fighting injustice and oppression of women and denouncing untouchability, taking up cudgels against discrimination of all kinds.
    Inspired by Gandhiji’s clarion call to womenfolk to join the national movement, Chandraprabha joined the non-cooperation movement in 1921 and called upon women to do likewise.
    Chandraprabha’s revolutionary zeal came to the fore in 1925 during the Nagaon session of the Assam Sahitya Sabha. Held under the presidentship of the eminent novelist Rajanikanta Bordoloi, different speakers spoke about the need to educate women, but in sharp contrast to all that was being said, women were made to sit in a separate enclosure hidden from the public eye by a bamboo curtain. The sight so enraged Chandraprabha that she went up the dias and publicly denounced the segregation exhorting the women to emerge from behind the enclosure. Her spirited speech inspired those present and the women broke down the barriers which never came up again.
    Chandraprabha was deeply affected by the evils of caste system. The teachings of Srimanta Sankaradeva moved her. She advocated equality of all sections of people. It was through her endeavour that entry to the Hajo Hayagriv Madhav temple near Guwahati was thrown open to all including women.

    On the personal front, however, Chandraprabha had to undergo many sufferings, and she returned to her home village. She had become an unwed mother and faced ostracism. But she had the courage and conviction to hold on to what she thought was the right thing to do. This was the early part of the 20th century and society was still steeped in tradition and superstition. Driven by her convictions, she brought up her son as a single mother. That way she was far ahead of her time.

    Having left Tezpur, she joined a school at Kaljirapara near her home. She, however, resigned in 1926 when she was not granted leave to attend the Congress session at Guwahati. Directing her energies in organising the women in the village and bringing various women organisations throughout the State under one banner, the Assam Pradeshik Mahila Samiti was born in 1926 under her leadership. The Samiti spread out its roots throughout the State, championing issues like prevention of child marriage, women’s education and self-employment avenues including handloom and handicrafts. Today the Mahila Samiti in Assam is a mammoth organisation devoting itself to the ideals laid down by Chandraprabha Saikiani and it continues to grow from strength to strength.
    Side by side with her organisational work, Chandraprabha’s involvement with the national movement continued and she was jailed in 1930 for the first time. In the post- Independence period she became the first woman to have contested elections for the Legislative Assembly.
    Apart from being a freedom fighter and a social reformer, Chandraprabha Saikiani also found time for literary pursuits. She was a writer and a poet of repute. She edited the Mahila Samiti’s journal Abhijatri for seven years. Of the several novels written by her, only Pitribhita was published in 1937.
    Chandraprabha Saikiani breathed her last on March 16, 1972, the day she was born. For her selfless work and dedication she was honoured with Padmashree.
    To mark her birth centenary, various organisations throughout Assam are organising commemorative functions.
    The embodiment of women’s hope and aspirations, this firebrand lady of Assam is also being honoured by the Government of India this year with the release of a commemorative postage stamp. Chandraprabha is remembered not only for her undaunting courage but also her pioneering role in women’s emancipation at a time in Assam when the idea itself was unthinkable.

1925. The Nagaon session of the Asam Sahitya Sabha. The then president of the premiere literary body of the state stressed the need for the spread of women’s education. Ironically, a bamboo-net barrier segregated the women from the men present in the conference. Chandraprabha went up to the dais and denounced the practice. She called upon the women to break down the barrier that confined them--- the fences were broken down and it stays so, never to come up again. This fiery lady is Chandraprabha Saikiani, the pioneer feminist in the modern history of Assam.
Chandraprabha Saikiani was born on March 16, 1901 in Doisingari village of Kamrup district in Assam. Her father Ratiram Mazumdar was the gaonburha (headman) of the village. He had elementary education and urged his daughters to go for studies in the local MV school. Chandraprabha not only educated herself, but was equally concerned about the education of the girls in her surroundings. She was just thirteen when she established a girls’ school in Akaya village. She brought some girls under her fold and beneath a school with a thatched roof opened new vistas before them. It was in this shed of a school that, Neelakanta Barua, the then school inspector spotted Chandraprabha, the teenage teacher of the village school. He could see the spark and desire for education in Chandraprabha. She was awarded a scholarship to study in the Nagaon Mission School. Her younger sister Rajaniprabha accompanied her. Rajaniprabha too was entitled to a scholarship and later went on to become the first lady doctor of Assam.
The thought of how a largely illiterate rural society at the dawn of the last century steeped in highly conventional notions of womanhood could produce a woman like Chandraprabha, a woman who was far ahead of her time in her thoughts and actions is amazing. Chandraprabha became a harbinger of change in her surroundings and immediate society. She protested against the actions of the school authority in not allowing a student to stay in the hostel when she refused to convert to Christianity. Chandraprabha’s protested against this procedure of the school. Her protests compelled the authorities to change their decision and the girl had to be inducted into the hostel. On completing her education, Chandraprabha was working in Nagaon for a while. Then she was appointed the headmistress of Tezpur Girls’ ME school. Her life in Tezpur broadened her horizons as she came into the contact of illustrious personalities like Omeo Kumar Das, Chandra Nath Sarma, Jyotiprasad Agarwala to name a few.
In 1918, during the session of Asom Chhatra Sanmilan, Chandraprabha addressed a large gathering against the evil effects of opium eating and demanded an immediate ban on it throughout the state. This was an epoch making event in the history of women’s emancipation in Assam as it was for the first time that a woman spoke in a massive public meeting. At that time, Chandraprabha was seventeen years of age.
Chandraprabha was deeply affected by the evils of the caste system. The teachings of the medieval Vaishnava saint of Assam, Srimanta Sankardev inspired her to fight against the malpractice. She stood for the equality of all sections of people in the society. Her untiring efforts lead to the opening of the doors of the Hajo Hayagriva Madhav temple to one and all, irrespective of caste and creed.
Inspired by Gandhiji’s ideals, Chandraprabha joined the non-cooperation movement in 1921 and beckoned to the womenfolk to do the same. Chandraprabha turned her attention to organizing the women in the villages. Under her leadership, the Asam Pradeshik Mahila Samity was born in the year 1926. The organisation spread out its wings throughout the state, taking up issues of child marriage, spread of women’s education, self employment for women, and stress on handloom and handicraft. The mahila samiti, which is also the first organized women’s movement in Assam, stands firm till date and has grown into an institution in itself, devoting itself to the ideals laid down by Chandraprabha Saikiani. She edited the Mahila Samiti`s journal Abhijatri for seven years. She gave vent to her feelings through the many poems written by her and work of fiction. Her novel Pitribhita was published in 1937.
Chandraprabha Saikiani’s life is a legend in itself. The rebel in her found expressions in her personal life too. During her days in Tezpur, young Chandraprabha came across prolific writer Dandinath Kalita. He expressed his love for her and she reciprocated his feelings. But their sublime emotions had to surrender at the divisive dictats of the society. Her paramour Dandinath was of no match to Chandraprabha’s fearless spirit. He dared not challenge the age-old caste system to take Chandraprabha as his wife or as the mother of his yet unborn child, and married a girl in tune with the wishes of his family. This is enough for any average young woman to break down. And we can only imagine her misery under such circumstances in early 20th century, when the society looked down upon unwed mothers. But Chandraprabha rose to this challenge. She never lost heart and played the role of a single mother to perfection. She not only brought up her only son Atul Saikia with all maternal care single-handedly, but also imbibed in him noble qualities of head and heart. The same boy later grew up to be a man who made significant contribution to the Trade Union movement in Assam. At the age in which she lived, doing the things she did was far from possible, infact unthinkable. But Chandraprabha Saikiani did them all, and with great dignity, conviction and integrity.
In 1972, in view of her outstanding contribution towards the upliftment of women and selfless work for the betterment of society, Chandraprabha Saikiani was conferred the Padmashree. But she died a couple of days before the day the honour was ceremonially conferred on her, adding another odd to a life full of struggles. Chandraprabha Saikiani breathed her last on March 16, 1972 ; which is also the day she was born. In 2002, this firebrand lady of Assam is also being honoured by the Government of India this year with the release of a commemorative postage stamp. The former Girls’ Polytechnic Institute in Guwahati has been named after Padmashree Chandraprabha Saikiani. The Government of Assam has instituted an annual award in her honour for personalities with extraordinary contribution towards betterment of women and the society. Whatever recognition has come her way is far too inadequate for an iron lady like Chandraprabha Saikiani who changed the lives of hundreds and thousands of rural women. Her life is a story of which legends are made of. She is the pioneer of the feminist movement in Assam. Chandraprabha Saikiani’s name would go down the annals of history as one of role models of women emancipation in 20th century India.
Today, on her birth and death anniversary, we pay homage to this lesser known lady who stirred the lives of millions in the north-eastern corridors of our country.
- See more at: http://www.assamtimes.org/node/3631#sthash.ONGltRyf.dpuf
1925. The Nagaon session of the Asam Sahitya Sabha. The then president of the premiere literary body of the state stressed the need for the spread of women’s education. Ironically, a bamboo-net barrier segregated the women from the men present in the conference. Chandraprabha went up to the dais and denounced the practice. She called upon the women to break down the barrier that confined them--- the fences were broken down and it stays so, never to come up again. This fiery lady is Chandraprabha Saikiani, the pioneer feminist in the modern history of Assam.
Chandraprabha Saikiani was born on March 16, 1901 in Doisingari village of Kamrup district in Assam. Her father Ratiram Mazumdar was the gaonburha (headman) of the village. He had elementary education and urged his daughters to go for studies in the local MV school. Chandraprabha not only educated herself, but was equally concerned about the education of the girls in her surroundings. She was just thirteen when she established a girls’ school in Akaya village. She brought some girls under her fold and beneath a school with a thatched roof opened new vistas before them. It was in this shed of a school that, Neelakanta Barua, the then school inspector spotted Chandraprabha, the teenage teacher of the village school. He could see the spark and desire for education in Chandraprabha. She was awarded a scholarship to study in the Nagaon Mission School. Her younger sister Rajaniprabha accompanied her. Rajaniprabha too was entitled to a scholarship and later went on to become the first lady doctor of Assam.
The thought of how a largely illiterate rural society at the dawn of the last century steeped in highly conventional notions of womanhood could produce a woman like Chandraprabha, a woman who was far ahead of her time in her thoughts and actions is amazing. Chandraprabha became a harbinger of change in her surroundings and immediate society. She protested against the actions of the school authority in not allowing a student to stay in the hostel when she refused to convert to Christianity. Chandraprabha’s protested against this procedure of the school. Her protests compelled the authorities to change their decision and the girl had to be inducted into the hostel. On completing her education, Chandraprabha was working in Nagaon for a while. Then she was appointed the headmistress of Tezpur Girls’ ME school. Her life in Tezpur broadened her horizons as she came into the contact of illustrious personalities like Omeo Kumar Das, Chandra Nath Sarma, Jyotiprasad Agarwala to name a few.
In 1918, during the session of Asom Chhatra Sanmilan, Chandraprabha addressed a large gathering against the evil effects of opium eating and demanded an immediate ban on it throughout the state. This was an epoch making event in the history of women’s emancipation in Assam as it was for the first time that a woman spoke in a massive public meeting. At that time, Chandraprabha was seventeen years of age.
Chandraprabha was deeply affected by the evils of the caste system. The teachings of the medieval Vaishnava saint of Assam, Srimanta Sankardev inspired her to fight against the malpractice. She stood for the equality of all sections of people in the society. Her untiring efforts lead to the opening of the doors of the Hajo Hayagriva Madhav temple to one and all, irrespective of caste and creed.
Inspired by Gandhiji’s ideals, Chandraprabha joined the non-cooperation movement in 1921 and beckoned to the womenfolk to do the same. Chandraprabha turned her attention to organizing the women in the villages. Under her leadership, the Asam Pradeshik Mahila Samity was born in the year 1926. The organisation spread out its wings throughout the state, taking up issues of child marriage, spread of women’s education, self employment for women, and stress on handloom and handicraft. The mahila samiti, which is also the first organized women’s movement in Assam, stands firm till date and has grown into an institution in itself, devoting itself to the ideals laid down by Chandraprabha Saikiani. She edited the Mahila Samiti`s journal Abhijatri for seven years. She gave vent to her feelings through the many poems written by her and work of fiction. Her novel Pitribhita was published in 1937.
Chandraprabha Saikiani’s life is a legend in itself. The rebel in her found expressions in her personal life too. During her days in Tezpur, young Chandraprabha came across prolific writer Dandinath Kalita. He expressed his love for her and she reciprocated his feelings. But their sublime emotions had to surrender at the divisive dictats of the society. Her paramour Dandinath was of no match to Chandraprabha’s fearless spirit. He dared not challenge the age-old caste system to take Chandraprabha as his wife or as the mother of his yet unborn child, and married a girl in tune with the wishes of his family. This is enough for any average young woman to break down. And we can only imagine her misery under such circumstances in early 20th century, when the society looked down upon unwed mothers. But Chandraprabha rose to this challenge. She never lost heart and played the role of a single mother to perfection. She not only brought up her only son Atul Saikia with all maternal care single-handedly, but also imbibed in him noble qualities of head and heart. The same boy later grew up to be a man who made significant contribution to the Trade Union movement in Assam. At the age in which she lived, doing the things she did was far from possible, infact unthinkable. But Chandraprabha Saikiani did them all, and with great dignity, conviction and integrity.
In 1972, in view of her outstanding contribution towards the upliftment of women and selfless work for the betterment of society, Chandraprabha Saikiani was conferred the Padmashree. But she died a couple of days before the day the honour was ceremonially conferred on her, adding another odd to a life full of struggles. Chandraprabha Saikiani breathed her last on March 16, 1972 ; which is also the day she was born. In 2002, this firebrand lady of Assam is also being honoured by the Government of India this year with the release of a commemorative postage stamp. The former Girls’ Polytechnic Institute in Guwahati has been named after Padmashree Chandraprabha Saikiani. The Government of Assam has instituted an annual award in her honour for personalities with extraordinary contribution towards betterment of women and the society. Whatever recognition has come her way is far too inadequate for an iron lady like Chandraprabha Saikiani who changed the lives of hundreds and thousands of rural women. Her life is a story of which legends are made of. She is the pioneer of the feminist movement in Assam. Chandraprabha Saikiani’s name would go down the annals of history as one of role models of women emancipation in 20th century India.
Today, on her birth and death anniversary, we pay homage to this lesser known lady who stirred the lives of millions in the north-eastern corridors of our country.
- See more at: http://www.assamtimes.org/node/3631#sthash.ONGltRyf.dpuf

Friday 28 June 2013

Ramani Devi- An Icon

Original Source- http://www.zoominfo.com/p/Ramani-Devi/1216522893


Researcher- Hansa Rochlani

Ramani is one of the most well-known faces that represent Manipuri women today.
One of the icons of the strength, valour and never-say-die spirit of Manipuri womanhood, she is one of the leading figures behind the Meira Paibi movements in the state, and one of the women striving for a violence-free Manipur.
...
Ngaithem Ningol Thokchom ongbi Ramani Devi was born at Loklaobung in Imphal west district.About five or six months after her birth, her father Bapu, a teacher by profession, shifted to Mao and started teaching there.After a while he took a new wife and settled there. For sometime, Ramani and her mother Chaobiyaima, a housewife, stayed with her paternal grandmother, but soon it became a hard survival and they had to part ways.Her grandmother shifted to Lamabam Leikai, while Ramani and her mother went back to her mother's maternal house own house at Singjamei Thongam Leikai. Ramani had her initial education at the Government LP School at Thongam Leikai.When she was about six or seven years and enrolled in Class III, the Second World War, known locally as Japan War broke out. Ramani and her family sought refuge in Thoubal and she had to leave school.When things calmed down a bit, they came back, but had to flee again, this time to Wangoi, when the aerial bombings started anew. Ramani was seventeen years when she was given in marriage to a band player in Thongam Leikai, the same locality.After the birth of her first daughter, he got a job as a compounder, earning around Rs 50 per month, a big sum at that time.They have six children - three daughters and three sons. When her husband brought home a new wife after the birth of her fourth child, Ramani engaged herself in the silver jewellery business - getting together her children and some other people in the locality to make the silver chains, bangles, etc and then selling them to vendors in the market. Around the mid-seventies, Ramani started involving herself in the nisha bandh movement along with prominent women leaders like the late Momon, late Chaobi, Indramani, and Taruni.She was also one of the leading members in the newly formed women's body, All Manipur Social Development and Reformation Samaj, which has as its main objectives checking alcoholism, selling alcohol, gambling, etc in the state. On 29th December, 1980, an incident which occurred in her own leikai took Ramani further into the women's social movement in the state.
...
However this time the incident happened in the locality where Ramani, then publicity secretary for the Reformation Samaj lived.Quickly she informed her co-activist Momon about the incident in her locality and the two decided to do something for the innocents. Changing into old clothes so that she takes the guise of a local woman, Ramani and Momon went around and gathered the womenfolk.
...
Ramani is also well versed in khubak eshei and dance forms of Ras Leela and Sansenba.
...
Ramani often sleeps over at the office, I go only when there is a major event.Back home too, my daughter-in-laws has joined the meira vigil.I rest."

Wednesday 26 June 2013

Mountains, Meat and Matriarchs- North East India's Markets











Original Source: http://www.footprinttravelguides.com/asia/india/india-features/northeast-indiaas-matriarchal-markets/

Researcher : Avantika Lal
Northeast India's Markets: Spices in Aizawl, Mizoram (c) Vanessa Betts
Travelling around India’s Northeast Hill States is always astonishing. Culturally as well as geographically, it’s a world away from the rest of the subcontinent – a region of distinctive and age-old tribal cultures, in essence more like Burma or Bhutan. Many tribes are Christian, others practise Buddhism, and several follow the Sun-and-Moon religion of their ancestors. 
Youth in Nagaland’s capital Kohima might look to Korea for their fashion and cultural direction, but in Arunachal Pradesh many Aptani tribeswomen still have tattooed faces and wear bamboo nose-plugs. In Mizoram and Manipur women take a leading economic role, and Meghalaya’s three tribes are all matrilineal, passing down wealth and property through the female line. 
But it’s not just in matters of faith and culture that this region stands out – the diet of the Northeast states is also dramatically different to the rest of India. Meat is a staple (sometimes meat of a rather bizarre kind) and people are basically non-vegetarian. Herbs, vegetables and roots unique to the region are added to dishes, while fermented beanshoots, soyabeans and fish make some foods an acquired taste. This profusion of unusual ingredients is of course reflected in the region’s famed markets. A glimpse in the ‘Burra Bazar’ of any city is to be confronted with heaps of unrecognisable vegetables, piles  of curious looking spices and clouded jars of nameless liquids.
Here follows a guide to some of the best markets the Northeast Hill States have to offer those who dare.
 Northeast India’s Markets: New Market Aizawl Mizoram (c) Vanessa Betts

In Mizoram, it seems as though everyone chain-smokes and chews khuva (betel) – both men and women. Here, more than anywhere India, there is a sense of equality between the sexes. This is reflected in the immense Bara Bazar, down one of Aizawl’s agonisingly steep streets. It’s mainly women who gather at the New Market, often wearing traditional clothes, to sell produce from their farms and homesteads. The dingy multi-levelled complex is friendly and fascinating, with unknown vegetables, piles of textiles, and heaps of tobacco leaves in an endless array. Small eateries on the fourth floor provide the chance to dabble in local cuisine, while active Zion Street outside is lined with stalls selling Mizo CDs.
In Nagaland, it seems any meat can make a meal, and the rather gruesome markets reflect this. It’s not just pork and beef on the menu, but snails, worms and snakes. Stemming from their warrior past, the Nagas are keen hunters of wild animals and nothing is left to waste. At the Wednesday market in Dimapur, steal yourself for the bodies of butchered dogs. Nor is it uncommon to turn a corner in a Naga village to find someone singeing the fur off a dog with a blowtorch. Bags of frogs and miniature crabs are popular in Kohima’s market, but should this not be to your taste there’s a fruit-and-veg section to browse through as well.

Always maintaining independence from surrounding tribal areas, thisprincely state was finally subdued by the British in 1891. Manipuris were renowned as fierce warriors and their womenfolk were feisty too, staging a social revolt in 1939 against monopolistic traders. This legacy lives on today in the Khwairamband Bazar, or Ima Market, in Manipur’s capital Imphal. The largest women’s bazar in India – some say in Asia – up to 3000 women gather here every day to sell fish, vegetables, pickles, orange honey and all other foodstuffs. Also for sale are excellent regional handicrafts and handloom goods. Don’t haggle too hard – first price given is about 20% above the final cost and the ladies are not too cut-throat. All over Manipur, older women and grandmothers run the markets, allowing younger mothers to stay at home to look after children.

The extraordinary Eighth Day Market (Ka Iewbah Sohrarim) in Cherrapunji is worth timing a visit to this “Scotland of the East” around. Also known locally as “Sohra”, Cherra Bazar is a stronghold of the Khasi tribe whose womenfolk wear a checked-gingham apron tied over one shoulder. If it’s chilly, both sexes wrap up in a plaid blanket – the Welsh were active missionaries here and left more than just Christianity behind. As the Khasi all chew vast quantities of kwai , betel nut is one of the main goods for sale, and in the winter season look for the local orange flower honey. Numerous tiny food stalls serve up Khasi food such as jadoh (red rice and pork). There is also a smaller market every fourth day, but the real crowds descend every eight days.

Meira Paibis: Women Torch Bearers on the March in Manipur

Original Source: http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article2533.html

Researcher : Hansa Rochlani

One can trace back the history of today’s Miera Paibis to the days of the Nupi Lan or women’s war in 1904 and 1939. Beginning as a protest against price rise, the demand extended over to administrative reforms against the oppressive economic and administrative policies ruled by the Manipur Maharaja and the Political Agent—Mr Gimson—of the British Government. Women’s role in public sphere is not new to Manipur. Meitei women have enjoyed a significant space outside household spheres. Traces of this can be found from the existence of certain institutions or systems that have pushed the women to take part in family economy and one such institution was Lallup-Kaba. This is some kind of forced labour which prevailed in Manipur in the 1800s. This institution has a very ancient origin in Manipur. The general system of Lallup was based on the assumption that every male between the age of 17 and 60 must place his services at the disposal of the state, without remuneration, for a certain number of days. The male of the family remained out of the house for a long period and women were compelled to get into buying and selling for maintenance of the family. Consequently, a section of the trade came under the hands of women in the form of Women’s Market today known as Ima Keithel or Ima Market.

The British administered the state of Manipur directly from 1891 till 1907 after they defeated Manipur in 1891 (Lokendra 1998). The Maharaja signed the Merger Agreement with India on September 21, 1949. Even today the circumstances under which the former princely state merged into India are contentious. (S. S. Hanjabam, 2007) Since the merger of Manipur, there have been numerous democratic movements in Manipur wherein the Meitei women have been a significant part. Historically speaking, the Meira Paibis were preceded by the Nisha Bandis who came into force in the 1970s. During that time, Manipur was flooded with drugs, narcotics, alcohol as a result of which young boys and men succumbed to addiction. This gave rise to numerous crimes, public disorder, wife-beating and other forms of gendered violence. Traditionally having a role in controlling the social ills of the society, Meitei women took upon themselves the responsibility to control the rising disorder in the society. Ordinary women started forming groups and doing night vigils/ patrols in their respective leikais (locality) to prevent the drunken men from creating menace. If found drunk, the man would be beaten by a mob of women and publicly humiliated. Consequently, these women’s groups started seizing locally brewed liquor from the distributors and doing mass scale destruction publicly. They were thus called the “Nisha Bandis”. The efforts of the Nisha Bandis resulted in Manipur being declared a dry State. But the reality is that even after a long struggle to prohibit alcohol which found resonance in Morarji Desai’s interest in the 1970s, alcohol is still very much a part of Manipuri society. Moving on further, in the third week of May 1980, two CRPF jawans were killed in their camp on a hillock by the PREPAK soldiers in Langjing (a village in west Imphal with 1000-2000 population). In retaliation, the CRPF jawans came down to the village and started a combing operation. People were pulled out from their houses and search was conducted to nab down the PREPAK soldiers. Men were made to stand with their hands up for the whole day and in the scuffle a woman was killed. The AFSPA was unknown to the people of valley. In order to tackle the situation, Manipur was declared a disturbed area and the Armed Forces [Special Powers] Act (AFSPA) 1958, was imposed in September 1980 which legitimised full-scale military operations, permitting even a non- commissioned officer to kill anyone on mere suspicion with guaranteed immunity. In December 1980 Ibom Shah from Hairangoithong Maibam Leikai was captured by the Army as a suspected insurgent. The Nisha Bandis at night used firewood on bamboo sticks as torches to march to the police station and get Ibom Shah released. This march of the Nisha Bandis with torches turned them into the Meira Paibis or Women Torch-bearers. The group of women, who fought for the release of Ibom Shah, formed an organisation called the All Manipur Women’s Reformation and Development Samaj in 1980 led by Ima Chobi.
Another incident occurred in 1980 simul-taneously where a group of protestors against the AFSPA were put into a police truck and taken away. A pregnant woman fell from the truck and died. A women’s group protesting against this with bamboo torches formed an organisation called the Poirei Leimaro led by Ima Konbi.

TODAY, the Meira Paibis are much more organised than before. The Meira Paibis can be divided into three groups at the State level, district level and leikai level. Every leikai in Imphal, Thoubal and Bishnupur districts has a women’s collective called the Meira Paibis. A formal body exists comprising of a president, secretary, treasurer and advisor. Every woman who is a Meitei is a Meira Paibi in a crisis situation. Communication and mobilisation is well developed among the Meira Paibis. During combing operations, when any one Meira Paibi got to know that the army is coming to their leikai, she used to beat the electric post with a stone. On listening to the sound, all women would come out of their houses and form a human shield not letting the Army get into their house for search. The Army, after implementation of the AFSPA in 1980 in the Manipur valley, assumed extraordinary powers to suppress the basic civil rights of the people. Young men were randomly picked up, women were raped and numerous people were killed on suspicion of being insurgents. The cases of Manorama, Sanjeet and Rabina are still fresh in everybody’s mind.
Currently there are four State level Meira Paibi organisations. There is a debate about which is the oldest one, but most people consider the All Manipur Women’s Reformation and Development Samaj (also known as Nupi Samaj) as the oldest State level Meira Paibi group followed by the Poirei Leimaro. Recently two more State level groups have emerged, namely the Kanglamei founded by Ima Leirik and the Meekhol founded by Ima Janaki. Ideologically, the Nupi Samaj is supported by UCM (United Committee of Manipur) and the Poirei Leimaro by the AMUCO (All Manipur United Clubs Organisation). The President of each State level group is selected by an understanding and consensus. Usually the President is a woman who is strong, brave, experienced in politics, a seasoned activist and has no fear. The structure of the Meira Paibis is loose and strong at the same time. They don’t have any fixed office in every leikai nor do they meet to discuss issues every day. Only when there is a crises situation do these women gather as Meira Paibis. The issues taken up at leikai level range from neighborhood fights, theft, threat from UG for extortion, elopement, extra-marital affair, desertion of women to combing operations done by the Army. The leikai level groups also join the State level groups (whoever they are affiliated to) in order to carry out a protest rally or a dharna. Interestingly the leikai level organisation did not happen on its own but was initiated by the State level Meira Paibi organisations. There are many Meira Paibi groups which are not registered and function on their own.
Politically the women at the forefront of the Meira Paibis today have clear notions about who they are. Conversations with Ima Taruni, Ima Gyneshwari, Ima Nagabi and many more revealed that they all stand for the territorial integrity of Manipur in the wake of the current political tension over the ADC elections in May-June 2010 and Th Muivah’s (leader of the NSCN-IM) visit to his home village Somdal in Ukhrul district of Manipur. Imphal city was flooded with dharnas, rallies by the Meira Paibi groups asking Muivah to not enter Manipur. The tension escalated when the Central Government gave permission to Muviah to visit his home town and the Manipur Government opposed this decision as they anticipated ethnic clashes. The Manipur Government saw Muivah’s visit with a hidden agenda of mobilising the Nagas of the State on the demand of ‘Greater Nagaland’, which is a threat to the integrity of Manipur.
Every other day I was able to witness women sitting in groups of 50 to 500 sitting in the middle of the Bazaar and protesting against Muivah. These women wore pinkish orange Sarong with a white drape and squatted under the vegetable shed from 10 am to 5 pm. On the day of the dharna the women would not sell anything. The Meira Paibis from each leikai would engage in dharna at least once either alone or along with nearby leikais.

APART from joining protests, the Meira Paibis played other roles also. From April 11, 2010 Manipur’s national highway 39 was blocked by the Naga groups, All Naga Students Association, Manipur (ANSAM) and United Naga Council (UNC), protesting against the Autonomous District Council elections conducted by the Manipur Government after 20 years. The 1971 ADC Act was amended in 2008; according to this the traditional powers of the tribal chief would be transferred to the elected district council of tribal leaders. The bone of contention was over section 29 (i), section 29(xiv), section 29(2) (a), section 2 (b) of the amended Act which take away and threaten the tribal community’s rights over ownership of resources and land. The economic blockade, thus called to protest against the elections, led to escalation of prices of essential commodities like rice, medicines and petrol. The pinch of this was felt both by the valley and hill people which increased when the national highway 53 was blocked by the Zeliangrong Students’ Union (ZSU) in order to intensify the protest.
The Manipur Government saw the blockade and timing of Th Muivah’s entry as part of a bigger game-plan and decided to block his entry at Mao gate of Senapati district in Manipur from May 3, 2010. Heavy battalions of Assam Rifles, Manipur Commandos, Manipur Police were deployed blocking the highway 39 on the Manipur side which connects Manipur with Nagaland. The Nagas of Mao gate started non-violent welcome rallies to welcome their leaders and protesting the heavy deployment of the Army. The situation turned violent when two students were shot by the Manipur Police; they were part of the rally on June 6, 2010.
In all of this the Meira Paibis have played a very crucial role to protect their community’s rights over the issue of territorial integrity. Instances from Bishnupur district revealed that the Meira Paibis used to go to the market and convince the shop owners not to inflate the prices of essential commodities. They would also not let tribes coming from the nearby mountains of Tamenglong take huge quantities of rice and oil with them.
The Meira Paibis are also part of the apex bodies of the United Committee of Manipur (UCM) and All Manipur United Clubs Organi-sation (AMUCO) which are the apex bodies of the Meities and therefore cannot be identified as mere neutral groups of women who have no political agenda. When I speak of politics here, I am not restricting myself to merely electoral politics but to the strategies and actions under-taken by the Meira Paibis to determine the political economy of the Manipur State along with other socio-political groups. I see them playing a very interesting role at various times. Being flexible and not having a rigid structure they are able to take up any issue which pertains to the community. This also makes the Meira Paibis not a group confined to agitating on strictly women’s issues.
A closer look at the kind of issues the Meira Paibis have actively fought for shows that those are the ones having adverse effect on the larger Meitei community. The Meira Paibis have hardly taken up the gender issue per se. But they do intervene in marital and family disputes which many a time are not favourable to the woman. Beginning from the 1980s, when the Nisha Bandis transformed into Meira Paibis, one can see a huge shift in their mode of engagement in the public sphere. They are increasingly seen in the forefront of political mobilisation and have been visible in all public spaces expressing their stand effectively. The Meira Paibis, who have been known to stand for non-violence, have in the current political turmoil of the Manipur State found themselves with Meitei groups and the Ibobi Government justifying the heavy deployment of armed forces in Mao gate region to crush the Naga supporters welcoming Th Muviah.
One can thus see the evolution the Meira Paibis have undergone. They have very successfully created a space for women to come out in public. The Meira Paibis are also becoming more and more organised and not merely voicing their spontaneous reaction to injustice. Currently the Meira Paibis are hands in glove with the government and Meitei civil society to re-inforce the hegemony the Meiteis have been enjoying over the political space in Manipur over the smaller communities. It is particularly painful to observe that despite having the potential to defuse the tension emanating from the violence meted out to the Naga communities in Senapati and Ukhrul districts, the Meira Paibis remained silent. Thus has surfaced the need to introspect the important political space the Meira Paibis have created through their selfless struggle and collective action; this is getting captured by the forces of Meitei chauvinism to direct the future of Manipur’s political economy.
REFERENCES
1. Parratt, Saroj N. Arambam and Parratt John, “The Second ‘Women’s War’ and the Emergence of Democratic Government in Manipur”, Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 35, No. 4 (October 2001).
2. Phanjoubam, Pradip, “The Homeland and the State: The Meiteis and the Nagas in Manipur”, Economic & Political Weekly, June 26, 2010, vol xlv, nos 26 and 27.
3. Thockchom Nandini, Meira Paibi: Women’s Movement in Meitei Society.
4. www.thesangaiexpress.com
5. www.morungexpress.com
6. www.imphalfreepress.com
7. Field notes collected during data collection between April 28, 2010 and June
8. 2010.

Monday 24 June 2013

Rethinking Women Power in Manipur

Original Source: http://e-pao.net/epSubPageExtractor.asp?src=news_section.opinions.Rethinking_Women_Power_in_Manipur


Manipur has witnessed the successful role of collective women's power in the past and also in the present day. This is something, which we can celebrate. However despite their major contributions in the socio-economic and political life of the state, they are not given their due position in society. Thus there is a mismatch between women's role and status. This is indeed a matter of great concern, which we all need to ponder over.

Manipuri women's role in the socio-economic and cultural life of Manipur is significant. Manipuri women do not stay behind the veil. They also do all the buying and selling of goods in the market. Women dominate the markets in the rural and urban areas. Their unique role in the market will be known if one visits Khwairamband Bazar at the heart of Imphal. They are greatly involved in the agricultural related activities. They are artistic and creative which they prove in the field of handloom and handicrafts and dance. Their dominance in the field of sports not only in the national level but also in the international level is remarkable. One significant observation that we find today in Manipur is the rise in the number of women entrepreneurs and women self help groups. The numbers of workingwomen in different sectors are increasing.

Manipuri women have always played a very vital and active role in social movements. The role of women in these movements can be traced back to the pre British Period when Manipur was under monarchial system. But women's social movements emerged in an organized manner from the early part of the 20th century. One was in 1904, which was popularly known as the first Nupilan (women's agitation). It was against the unjust British administration. Because of their high spirit struggle, many administrative reforms were then made, and women leaders emerged in Manipuri's traditionally male-dominated sphere of business, trade and commerce. The second was the Nupilan of 1939. It was a spontaneous eruption of the suppressed energy of the exploited people. The main cause of the movement was directly related to the irregularities and malpractices in the administration of the state and the economic exploitation by the authority. In the agitation some of the women leaders and along with their sympathisers were sent to jail. All the womenfolk expressed their deep concern over the matter. They stopped business in the market and the Khwairamband Bazar remained devastated for three years. Ultimately they succeeded in bringing reforms in administration. The outbreak of women agitation was a turning point in the emergence of new trend of political and national consciousness in the state.

Meirapaibi (torch bearer) movement is a new women's movement in Manipur. It exemplifies another collective women's power in Manipur. It began in the 1980s and is still gaining momentum. The womenfolk to save people from the clutches of liquor and drugs launched the movement. This movement has become a major struggle for human rights. The role of the Meirapaibi is gaining ground due to the rapid increased in the human rights violation and other social problems like HIV/AIDS. As one of the important social institutions, Meirapaibi group has got the potential to become a very significant instrument of progressive social transformation.

Marup or cooperative movement is another movement spearheaded by women for generating income. From the early days the Manipuri society has inbuilt system of socio-economic cooperation known as Marup which continues till now successfully throughout the state. Marup, a type of self help group, is a group or association of individual with common economic needs who undertake an economic activity by participating directly in decision making and sharing the benefits on an equitable basis. It strengthens the existing income generating activity of members and also helps the members to start a new activity of members. This not only makes them economically independent but also helps their families with their financial contributions. It also acts as the financial intermediaries. The members are engaged in both service and production activities. Some of the main incomes generating activities of the groups are - Agarbati making, Papad making, Doll-making, Handloom/Handicrafts, preparation of different sweet items, fruit and vegetable preservation etc. The Marups (cooperatives) are the best vehicles for empowerment of women in Manipur. They are the major force for the economic development of the state. Another important sphere, which is in the limelight, is the political participation of women. The level of Manipuri women's political participation is not quite up to the mark. However their participation in the local self-government is a positive signal for the success of democracy at the grass root level. This will bring a major thrust in the process of rural development and women empowerment.

Manipur women have thus contributed immensely in the socio-economic transformation and upliftment of the society. The above glaring instances of collective women's power in Manipur - Nupilan, Meirapaibi and Marup movements will surely make a reader believe, that womenfolk in Manipur are accorded high status. But unfortunately the reality is somewhat the other way round. The society is still in the womb of the patriarchal system. Women have no much say in the decision making process. Their representations both in the secondary and tertiary sectors are quite minimal. The preference of male child is still prevalent. There are certain rituals where women's involvements are considered profane and restricted their participation. Women produce children; they are mothers and wives; they do the cooking, mending, sewing and washing; they take care of men and are subordinate to male authority; they are largely excluded from high status occupations and from positions of power. In terms of the reward of prestige, wealth and power attached to gender role, women almost invariably come off worst. According to the 2001 census, Manipur has a total population of 2,388,634. Out of these the numbers of males and females are 1,207,388 and 1,181,296 respectively. The literacy rate of the state is 68.87 %. For males the literacy rate is 77.87 % while for females it is 59.70 %. Thus there is a gap of 18.17 % in the male-female literacy rate, which clearly indicates the prejudices of the society towards the female child. It is also worth noting that 40.30 % of the female populations are illiterate. Here, education is crucial because it is said that if you educate a man, you educate an individual whereas if you educate a woman you are educating the entire family. One interesting fact is that the sex ratio of Manipur is much above many other Indian states. It is 978 as compared to all India ratios of 933. Though the cases of dowry deaths, rape and molestation are not so high in Manipur, there are incidents of eve-teasing and domestic violence which are symptomatic of a larger malaise where Manipuri women are not given due position in society.

There is a need to change the attitude of the society in general and men in particular. It is high time that we respect and reflect on the contributions of women not only in the socio-economic sphere but also in the fields of cultural, political and sports. Women of Manipur deserve a higher status, for the development of any society the status of women is a key factor determining progress.

Jammu and Kashmir unveils its first women commando squad

Original Source: 
 http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/jammu-and-kashmir-unveils-its-first-women-commando-squad-380800

Researcher- Bhhavya Gahlaut

As Neelofer prepares to leave the police training academy in Udhampur in south Kashmir, there is a look of pride and patriotism on her face. And justifiably so. In her early 20s, she is part of the first batch of women crack commandos of the Jammu and Kashmir Police, trained to participate in counter-insurgency operations in the state.

"We were told that women can't do anything, but we have learnt at this academy that women can do anything. After doing this commando course, we also feel that we can achieve something in life," said Neelofer, who spent her childhood in Srinagar, once a hot bed of militancy.

Along with 80 others, Neelofer has been imparted special counter-insurgency training to fight militants. Since they are locals, they are well-versed with the topography and are better connected with the population.



But the ratio is still heavily skewed with less than a thousand women comprising the 80,000-strong Jammu and Kashmir police. But the likes of Neelofer point towards an encouraging trend of women aspiring to join the forces, dominated by men.

"We are proud of these girls, they have shown great dedication. They are well-trained and ready to face on any challenge for the security of the nation," said Farooq Khan, Director, Sher-e-Kashmir Police Academy in Udhampur.

At a time when the government plans to slowly phase out central forces from the state, it's the state police which will have to take on a more prominent role in the fight against militancy. And it is women commandos like Neelofer who will play a critical role in the process of restoring normalcy in the state.

The Legacy of Silence: Why we Ignore Rape from Guatemala to Syria



Original Source-  http://www.womenundersiegeproject.org/blog/entry/the-legacy-of-silence-why-we-ignore-the-rape-of-women-from-guatemala-to-syr


Researcher- Avantika Lal



Just before 2 a.m. and nearly half a world away, I watched a guilty verdict from Guatemala scroll by tweet by tweet on my phone. Former President Efrain Rios Montt was convicted on May 10 of genocide and crimes against humanity and given 80 years in prison. As the news came through, I felt a satisfied chill—decades after the murder of 200,000 Guatemalans and the rape of 100,000 women, mostly Mayans, justice has actually come in our lifetime.
I watched this long-awaited verdict come down while in Beirut. For the past couple weeks I was in Lebanon and Jordan reporting on the rape and torture of Syrians, who are living with so many levels of pain and sadness it’s hard to begin to quantify them all. A little over a year ago, I was in Guatemala meeting the women of that war.
While clearly culturally different in many ways, the women I’ve met who lived through these conflicts share something in particular: Both groups have been terrified to talk about the brutality forced upon them. Both groups are doubted, ignored, and made invisible through shame.
In Guatemala, I heard women say they’d never told their husbands about their rapes because they feared losing their homes and families. In Jordan and Lebanon, I spoke to refugees, social workers, and psychiatrists who said the same thing about the women of Syria who’ve been violated. In fact, the survivors of this war are so frightened to talk about what happened to them, they only speak about their “neighbor” or “friend” who was raped.

The International Rescue Committee has said that rape is a primary reason why women are fleeing Syria. This photo was taken at Zaatari, a refugee camp in Jordan that houses more than 150,000 Syrians. (Lauren Wolfe)
This distancing, of course, is not always distancing. Every single professional I’ve spoken to who works with women refugees says there are just too many cases in which they can easily identify the victim as the person sitting in front of them. Why, then, won’t these women say that they themselves were raped?
“I’m sure if my husband knows he will divorce me the same day, the same hour,” one rape survivor told a doctor working in Amman whom I’ll call Dr. Meena.
From the suburbs of Homs, the survivor, 23, was on her own with her daughters in her house when shabiha (plainclothes militia) forces broke in at the end of last year. I’ve heard many stories now in which rape appears to be used as a means to flush out men in home raids—in this case, the woman said there were no men home, thinking the shabiha would leave without harming her. She was wrong. Three of them raped her. Her daughters were in the hall. They heard her screaming. She told Dr. Meena they thought she was just being beaten.
She didn’t tell anyone what happened to her until she told the doctor in December. Why not?
“I am responsible,” this woman said.
Responsible for her own rape.
And we wonder why women aren’t clamoring to show their faces.
In a society, as in Syria, that places their purity in their physical bodies, when women are no longer thought to be virgins, they are discarded like dirty tissues.
Take the story of another rape survivor from Homs Dr. Meena examined. This particular girl, 17, had lacerations on her vagina, painful UTIs, and vaginal infections—all of which went untreated until the doctor saw her in December. It took numerous visits for the girl to tell the doctor she was raped and to beg her not to tell anyone. Dr. Meena offered to help the girl with a gynecologist referral, thinking maybe there is a way to make her body look like she is still a virgin. In the meantime, her father is trying to force the girl into marriage.
Everything, everything tells this girl not to speak about rape.
Beyond divorce, I’ve heard multiple stories that detail honor killings after women have been raped in Syria—a survivor is shot by her own brother/husband/whoever in the family. Social workers and doctors who have interviewed rape survivors from Syria have told me that women believe that speaking about their rapes will end their lives.
The concept of purity, and honor, kills women.
As Valerie Hudson and her coauthors write in their 2012 book Sex and World Peace, the founder of a group called the Syrian Women Observatory, Bassam al-Kadi, said: “The killing of women because they are women is a worldwide phenomenon. The problem with us is not that we kill [women], while others do not, the problem is that we reward the killer by saying that he was defending his honor and therefore of good character.”
Stories of  honor killings are very hard to confirm since they are happening inside the hot war zone that is Syria, where journalists and human rights workers are not allowed to investigate. But let’s pretend for a minute that there are no honor killings at all. Now let’s pretend we ourselves are Syrian women survivors of rape and we think we’re going to be killed if we say something. Why would we tell?
And the problem doesn’t always begin and end with the survivors of sexualized violence not wanting to share their stories. Often it lies in the fact that there are few competent services in refugee areas to help women speak about their experiences.
One very active nonprofit assisting Syrian refugees told me they “prefer not to ask” about sexualized violence on home visits with families who’ve just arrived in Jordan. “We’d rather they come to us,” I was told. But how are these refugees supposed to break free of all this stigma and come forward to ask for psychological or other medical help? Most of the women I met aren’t even leaving their houses because they are so traumatized and frightened of their new surroundings. (Not to mention the discrimination Syrians are facing in Jordan and Lebanon, where prices are rising and streets are crammed with cars and anger at the refugees.) To be fair to this organization, their home visits usually take place with an entire family present—men too. So it likely isn’t usually the right situation in which to talk about something as “shameful” as rape.
But then, what is the right situation? When will these women—already vulnerable—ever find the “right time”?
I know some people continue to doubt that rape is happening as part of this war. That thinking is hard for me to understand after all the stories I’ve gathered.
Here’s an easy way to think about this issue differently.
I would ask that disbelievers take a minute to click around Syria Tracker to watch some videos of men being tortured, their throats cut, limbs severed, eyes plucked out. Or they could go to Zaatari, the refugee camp that houses more than 150,000 Syrians in the arid north of Jordan, as I did. It probably won’t take long for men to ask if they’d take a minute to watch some videos on cell phones, as I was asked to. Maybe they would be shown a video of a dead body being stabbed 30 times, as I was. Or maybe they’d watch another being kicked while the back of its skull hangs off. I saw that one too.
Talk to a few Syrians—men or women, doesn’t matter. They’d hear how special—and vulnerable—women are considered in this society. How women must be protected.
Why, then, is it so hard to imagine that women’s bodies are being used alongside men’s as a particularly effective tool of this war? That this precious commodity called “women” is the perfect envelope in which to send a message of domination and defeat in Syria?
Why is it so hard to think that women here too are being tortured in the ways they have been for so many wars?
Could it be because it is unthinkable? That women, noncombatants, are being physically and emotionally destroyed makes no emotional sense. How could such a thing really be happening?
Could it be because there is no “proof”? If so, take a look at this report from the United Nations for proof if that’s what’s needed; here are dozens of more reports we’ve gathered from NGOs, witnesses, and media reports. We have confirmation of many stories that resemble so many others. Is that number not high enough maybe? Do we need to be able to point to thousands of women and men sexually violated to say we condemn this and realize that these people need help?
Now look to Guatemala.
For 30 years, much of the world managed to deny the Guatemalan genocide. The decimation of the Maya people, along with thousands of women kept as sexual slaves or raped, went quietly into history for decades. As of May 10, that is no longer the case. We now have a court verdict that points fingers, names names, and makes visible what was once hidden.
Can’t we, for once, accept that sometimes there are things we can’t easily see that are terrible and disgusting and forcibly hidden and collectively decide that they must be addressed? Can’t we agree that women around the world have been silenced and shamed repeatedly whether it is in a single rape in Steubenville, Ohio, or in thousands of cases as in Guatemala—and in whatever the number will ultimately be in Syria?
Should we tell Dr. Meena’s patients to keep quiet, as everyone else around them tacitly has, or should we raise our hands and let these women—whether they are dozens, hundreds, or thousands—know we are listening and that they have our support? They do not need any more victimization. They need help. And they deserve justice.

Tuesday 18 June 2013

Education and Peace Building in Kashmir

Original Source- http://www.claws.in/administrator/uploaded_files/1370851731Issue_Brief.pdf





Since War begins in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defence of peace must be constructed (UNESCO Constitution, 1945)

The World Bank Development Report in 2011 declared education as the most crucial aspect in peace building. In conflict situations, security and political issues gain dominance in the development agenda and education acquires a back seat. While the above-mentioned aspects are important, education could play a vital role in fostering peace in the conflict-ridden regions. Maria Montessori, a famed educator had very rightly said in one of her public talks:
“Those who want war prepare young people for war; but those, who want peace, have neglected young children and adolescents so that they are unable to organise them for peace.
Education is vital for transforming the current, dominant culture of violence. These efforts should be directed towards children and youth to give them an alternative picture to war and violence that in turn would avoid relapsing into conflict. It will equip them with the skills, which would inculcate human values, respect and tolerance towards the other sex, religion and culture. The value system in education was recognised at the World Declaration on “education for all”, which also identified the need to promote liberal approach towards life.

Kashmir’s Story
Kashmir has been scarred by nearly two decades of conflict; almost an entire generation has grown amidst violence punctuated by guns, armed men, regular frisking and curfew. Violence can have a detrimental impact on the child psychology. “Inshallah Kashmir” a documentary by Ashwin Kumar, which has been widely acclaimed for presenting various facets of insurgency in Kashmir describes this particular instance where few children from a village were replicating a curfew, the like they often witness in their environment.  When probed, they had no idea why this curfew was being executed.
The stone pelting incident of 2010 signalled the brimming frustration amongst the disillusioned and restive youth who have never seen a peaceful valley before. Lack of employment opportunities, prospects of a bleak future as well as a sense of lost roots and cultural values has bred anger amongst them. A contributory factor is the flawed education system, which does not stress on children’s “social, moral and humanistic” aspects. 
Neerja Mattoo, a renowned academician and journalist in Jammu and Kashmir, has expressed grief over the devastated state of education in the state while citing its egalitarian and secular features in the past. Today, children have no recollection of a shared history and harmony which prevailed amongst diverse communities of Kashmir in the past. She said, “If the children do not find it in their textbooks, neither in their associations, it’s naturally going to be an insular experience of education”.
In absence of ethics and values based education in “normal schools”, teachers and trainers resort to Quranic teachings as a resource for moral values to students. In fact, the Ministry of Human Resource Development had released funds under the scheme to promote quality education for modernising 362 Madrasas in three districts of Jammu and Kashmir namely Kulgam, Pulwama and Sri Nagar. Though there have been allegations that the state government has embezzled funds, there are hardliners who have refused the funding altogether under this scheme citing it as an attack on the religious institutions and an attempt to malign the separatist movement.
This shows how the educational institutions are susceptible to the political contours of J&K. Various political groups have vested interests in disrupting the peaceful environment in Kashmir, thereby causing delay in state board examinations or suspending classes held in schools which inadvertently stifles the confidence amongst students. Later, they find themselves incapable of matching the standards for career and higher education opportunities that exist in the world outside Kashmir.


Education can also exacerbate conflict. Often the State and its ideology seep into the education curriculum. In Pakistan, the State controlled education system offers no room for critical questioning and analysis. The teachers too have no choice but to follow the curriculum to the letter. The syllabus presents history in a selective manner where India is clearly represented as the “other”, albeit different from the victim, more righteous Pakistan. A quote from the Class XI textbook in Pakistan reads, “Social equality means that there should be no discrimination and difference in society based on race, colour or region, which reduces people to second class citizenship, for example, the kind of discrimination against Muslims in India and Blacks in Europe”. This kind of a statement completely fails to acknowledge the kind of atrocities and racial profiling carried out against religious minorities in Pakistan. According to US diplomatic cables leaked by wiki leaks, British Muslims are sending their “problem child” to madrasas and schools in POK. These children are at the risk of being recruited by various terrorist groups. Most of the suicide bombers in Afghanistan are products of highly radicalised madrasas being run in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa region of Pakistan. If this religious extremism seeps into the educational infrastructure of J&K, it would prove to be a serious menace.
Saudi Arabia is already pumping money in Kashmir to promote the Wahabi ideology through university, madrasas and schools. The intelligence bureau has confirmed that money is being pumped through illegal hawala channels in the name of charity (zakat).  These institutions, while offering no room for gender equality or critical questioning, tend to promote fundamentalist attitudes. Many people in the region study at these institutions due to absence of alternatives. Uneven distribution of education is also known to enhance conflict. Ladakhi, Gujjar, Bakerwal and other tribes have expressed grievances over the growing illiteracy rate amongst their communities, thus rendering the state government approach as non inclusive. 

Schools as Safe Haven

As Brock Utne points out “It is of no help if the subject matter taught is of critical nature selected to further democratic values and the character formation of individuals if the  methods used to convey the subject matter are authoritarian, do not engage students, and do not appeal to their emotions”. Several schools have been destroyed, mostly by militants, in the 23-year long insurgency. Security Forces too had occupied a few schools when deployed to fight militants in the rural areas. This led to schools being run in camps and tents. Militarising schools has a negative psychological impact on children and is not conducive to their functioning. The dropout rates are highest amongst girls due to actual or perceived violence. Lack of higher education institutions also leads to frustration. Those who cannot afford to continue their education outside Kashmir are sucked into militancy more easily. Farooq, a local schoolteacher, had this to say: Here in Kashmir, it is different because the parents cannot reprimand or guide their children. We are scared they might just run off and join some terrorist groups or commit suicide.” This is indicative of a very serious ground reality. 


Kashmir is home to several tribes, each having its own set of values, culture and language. Gujjar and Bakerwal community have already expressed anguish over the state government’s negligence to provide basic education. Similarly, several poor groups in Ladakh, who can only speak in Ladakhi find the language barrier very challenging since most of the classes in schools are held in Urdu or Hindi. To counter this, a model being run in schools of Assam can be replicated in Kashmir. In several backward areas of Assam, the classroom language is Bodo, at least till the primary level.  This can boost the confidence amongst children.

A Way Forward
Various civil society groups and NGOs are already involved in imparting value and ethics based education in the classrooms. Separate training modules have been designed for teachers to equip them to engage with students through dialogues and role plays. Sports can be used as an intervention to impart life skills to students in Kashmir. This model has already been tried and tested in the naxal districts by UNICEF and has proved to be quite successful in integrating vulnerable students into the mainstream society. Yoga and meditation could indeed prove very helpful in reducing the stress levels amongst students. Local media is very important in shaping perceptions in this region; therefore flagging the issue of peace education will bring this agenda back on the mind map of the communities as well as the state government.
One of the beneficiaries of the training program for peace education run by The Global Education and Leadership Foundation says, “The situation in Kashmir is such that it has completely closed our minds to new thoughts and solutions. This initiative has opened a new window for us and given us a space to discuss ideas, expressing our honest opinion, learning to solve problems and staying positive”. The religious texts and their original meaning could specifically be highlighted in the curriculum. Similarly, instances of resorting to settling disputes through peaceful means in the local culture can be incorporated in the curriculum. 

Role of Women in Peace Education
The UN Resolution 1325 has recognised the importance of gender in peace and security concerns. Often textbooks tend to perpetuate gender biased stereotypes which leads to gender inequality. It consists of male perspectives and male achievements which promote the idea of female subordination while also qualifying it as unquestionable and unchangeable. The portrayal of women as passive recipients of the welfare schemes and the developmental initiatives and not active contributors in peace building leads to their lack of political participation.
More so the access to education for girls and women in Kashmir is determined by the political situation and the right to education and their bodies is determined by external forces. Various terrorist factions including Dukhtaran-e-Millat (a pro separatist women’s group in Kashmir) have coerced women to stick to the dress codes as prescribed by them. In a particular instance from “A story of women’s college in Kashmir” by Neerja Mattoo underlines the horror that awaited the deviants-
 “A man with a stick was lying in wait outside college waiting to hit any girl whose head is not covered”
Women, especially in conflict situations, display high dropout roots due to sexual harassment in public spaces as well as within the school compounds, the situation being worse in rural areas. Therefore, only numerical growth of female teachers is not the solution, they need to be trained to be able to reflect on “concepts of freedom, responsibility, diversity, democratic participation, tolerance and respect.” Rokeya Sakhawat Hussain, a renowned feminist and educator had suggested that “the ultimate purpose of education is not to find a job but realisation of the fullest developmental potential as human being, which is why women have as much right to education as men”.
Dr. Susheela Bhan, a Kashmiri Pandit, runs ethics and values based education in 200 government schools in the backward areas. On my personal interaction with her, she suggested that it is the students from the rural areas who are most prone to militancy. Therefore engaging with these strata of the Kashmiri society is the need of the hour. Literacy for women is an important key to improve health, nutrition, education in the family. Once emancipated through education, they can be active contributors in peace

How can Army act as a facilitator?
As mentioned above, several schools have been destroyed in the conflict, especially in the rural areas. The Indian army is already involved in re-establishing schools in such areas under Operation Sadbhavana. To propagate the idea of ethics and values, such schools can follow the revised curriculum and teacher training methods based on peace education. These schools can liaise with various civil society groups and NGOs already working on value based education in the region to establish a sustainable model. A commanding officer in the region can hold career counselling sessions for locals in the area to inform them of the opportunities that exist for them outside Kashmir with respect to their qualifications. Since Army is not a permanent constitution in Kashmir, the onus of education and development must however rest with the state government.
Peace building is a more transformational agenda than just short term measures in the aftermath of conflict; the latter can only exacerbate conflict and add to the already restive nature of the State. Therefore reconstructing the education system in Kashmir should be given the highest priority. In the areas where it is deployed, the Army could facilitate the above process.
References
-Kirk Jackie(2007), “Education for Peace Building”, Women Building Peace between India and Pakistan, Anthem Critical Studies
-Barua Kalita Neera(2012), “Education for Peace”, Gender, Peace and Development in North East India, DVS Publishers
-Mattoo Neerja(2002), “The Story of a Women’s College in Kashmir”, Speaking Peace, Kali For Women
-Arshad Hiba(2008), “Education in Kashmir:Historical Overview and Current Analysis”, Kashmir Corps
-Bashir Abid(October 5, 2012) “Govt admits Madrassa funding”, Greater Kashmir
-Bhat Saima(March 14, 2013) , “683 Madrassa and Muktabs functional in J&K Government”, Kashmir Life
-Dupuy Kendra( Report No. ISBN 82-7481-165-8), “ Education for Peace: Building Peace and Transforming Conflict through Education Systems” International Peace Research Institute, Oslo for Save the Children, Norway
-India Defence Forum(February 6, 2011) “ UK Muslim problem kids sent to schools in PoK:Wikileaks”
-Jolly Asit( December 23, 2011), “The Wahhabi Invasion”, India Today
-Journal of Peace Education, Vol 6, Issue 2, 2009 “ Schooling for Violence and Peace: How does Peace Education differ from ‘normal’ schooling”
-Kaul Ashima(January 17 ,2013), “Education: The instrument of Peace in Kashmir” , Insight on Conflict,  Published by Peace Direct
-Observer Bureau( January 17, 2013) ,” Madrassas in Kashmir utilised Rs 47 Lakhs in one Year”, Daily State Observer
-Tundum Chosdan( December 1 , 2011) , “ Is Education System of Ladakh Relevant” ,Epilogue Vol 5, Issue 2
-Dorjay Thinlas(May 1, 2010) , “Ladakh’s Tryst with Education Reform”, Epilogue, Vol 4, Issue 5