Sunday 23 March 2014

Afghan women break tradition, join April 5 elections

Original Source:http://www.nation.com.pk/international/22-Mar-2014/afghan-women-break-tradition-join-april-5-elections



KABUL- Pictures of female candidates on the walls of the Afghan capital city alongside male contenders in the April 5, 2014 general elections speak volumes on the country's transition from the iron-clad rule of the Taliban more than 13 years ago.

Scores of female politicians, some of them pretty enough to be beauty queens, are now openly campaigning for seats in the provincial councils or assemblies thus elevating the status of Afghan women in the traditionally patriarchal society. These young and ambitious female contenders, in full beauty make-up, along with elderly women candidates, have come up with promising mottoes such as "equity, justice and social welfare" for all Afghans regardless of gender and stations in life. They urged all Afghans to use their right of suffrage in next month's presidential and provincial councils' elections.

Afghanistan is a country of traditions and tribal customs. Many Afghans, especially those living in the rural areas, are against women participation in social activities including politics, even opposing education for girls. "Learning from the past experiences plus today's efforts for the rights of women can guarantee a better future for Afghan women," one female candidate for the Kabul Provincial Council said in her campaign poster.

Although there is no female candidate for president, there are two women vying for the position of vice president. "We believe in act and not in empty word," says a slogan written below the photo of Habiba Qaderi, a candidate for a seat in the Provincial Council in Kabul. The slogan - "The knight of your demands" - in a billboard with the photo of woman candidate Shukiba Saifi Kamal has drawn the attention of voters in the capital city. Khatera Ishaqzai is another female candidate for a seat in Kabul's Provincial Council. In her campaign posters, she is promising to "ensure justice, human rights and women rights" for all.

Because of security problems, most women candidates are limiting their campaign sorties in the capital since campaigning in the rural areas could pose danger to their lives. The militant Taliban has openly threatened to disrupt the election process, even saying that they would kill candidates who will join the election as well as their supporters. The Taliban has said that the election is another ploy of the U.S. to continue its stranglehold of Afghanistan.

The Taliban threat has prompted male and female candidates to call on the government to provide them with security escorts, especially during the campaign and on the election day. A statement posted on the Taliban website last week ordered its fighters to target election workers, election sites and security escorts given to candidates. At least a dozen election workers have been killed since the start of the election campaign on Feburary 2, 2014. In a latest attack on a police station in Jalalabad city, eastern Afghanistan, on Thursday for which the Taliban claimed responsibility, 18 people including 10 police were killed and 15 others sustained injuries.

Sunday 16 March 2014

War and famine, peace and light? The economic dynamics of conflict in Somalia 1993–2009

Original Source: http://jpr.sagepub.com/content/50/5/545.full

The literature on war economies argues that prolonged civil wars have an economic logic: certain groups may obtain material gains from committing acts of violence and hence resist peacebuilding efforts. Objective tests of these predictions have so far been limited, as corruption and conflict prevent the collection of reliable economic data on the ground. Remote sensing and Geographic Information Science techniques enable us to overcome these problems of terrestrial data collection. Electricity consumption manifested as night-time light emissions recorded in satellite images is proposed as a proxy for changes in disposable income in Somalia’s cities. The nightlight images provide striking illustrations of economic decline and recovery and clearly show the contrast between the stable regions of Northern Somalia and the chaos and anarchy of Southern Somalia. Based on geospatial analyses of settlement patterns in Somali cities, we argue that specific metrics of light output can be used to proxy for the incomes of different social groups. We use geo-coded conflict event data to analyze the economic impact of conflict on local light output and therefore incomes. We find a significant peace dividend for poorer households located at the margins of cities, which benefit both from local stability and more peaceful conditions in the country as a whole. By contrast, the central business districts are relatively well insulated from the effects of local conflict, and violence in Mogadishu has positive effects on light output from cities where humanitarian aid agencies are located. Future peace initiatives need to confront these economic incentives for continued conflict and state failure in Somalia.
There is currently much political and academic interest in Somalia. Addressing issues of governance in Somalia is important for maritime security, for regional stability and to help millions of victims of periodic drought and conflict. Considerable political and financial resources have been invested by the international community to resolve the civil conflict over the last two decades. However, so far all attempts to bring about effective and consensual central governance have failed, either through domestic ‘spoilers’ or through the intervention of neighbouring countries (Menkhaus, 2007a,2009). Questions are raised about the potentially counterproductive effects of international intervention in Somalia. Eminent country experts argue that international actors may contribute to the ‘war economy’ and (inadvertently) fund the conflict (Hansen, 2007Hansen et al., 2012Menkhaus, 2009). To design more effective interventions we need evidence on how the Somali war economy operates.
The literature on ‘war economies’ argues that in some countries war is not a temporary breakdown, but a sustainable, alternative form of social order. The absence of central government creates economic opportunities for some groups, which have no interest in bringing the conflict to an end (Duffield, 1998). Conflict can therefore become entrenched as ‘economics by other means’ (Keen, 1998). The simplest form of the ‘war economy’ is banditry and looting. In more advanced war economies armed groups provide ‘protection’ for (legal and illicit) businesses, tax production, trade and financial flows and manipulate and divert humanitarian and development aid. Warlords provide government functions in so-called ‘shadow states’ (Reno, 19981999). Violence is an integral part of the war economy as elites use it to extract, contest and redistribute economic rents and attract and divert humanitarian aid.
The literature on war economies is based on detailed case studies and generates clear testable implications for the economic dynamics of conflict. However, because of the absence of regular and reliable data collection, the economic dynamics of civil war have not yet been statistically explored. In this article we use remote sensing and geographic information science techniques to recover the economic history of Somalia’s cities during the civil war from the archives of images of night-time light emissions. This allows us to test key hypotheses of the ‘war economies’ literature with economic data that are not manipulated by any of the conflict parties. Night-time light emissions have been shown to be an excellent proxy for income especially in statistically underdeveloped and corrupt countries (Chen & Nordhaus, 2011;Henderson, Storeygard & Weil, 2011). We present striking images of the patterns of economic decline and recovery across Somalia from 1993 to 2008, indicating the effectiveness of informal governance in supporting local economic development as well as the costs of high intensity conflict.
We create proxies for changes in income for different social groups by looking at changes in the intensity of light use among those already using electricity and changes in access to electricity at the cities’ margins. We show how these correlate with exogenous economic shocks and variations in local and overall conflict intensity derived from the EDACS geo-coded conflict event data on Somalia. Finally, we statistically explore the economic dynamics of the Somali conflict in a multivariate statistical model.
We show that the rich are relatively well insulated from the economic costs of violence, whereas the poor experience significant peace dividends. Conflict outside a city may even bring local benefits, either through diverting investment from more violent areas or through triggering international aid flows. Changes in light emissions from Somalia therefore provide evidence for the existence of a profitable war economy. This may explain the apathy and occasional resistance from political and business elites to previous international efforts to resolve state failure in Somalia.
The article is structured as follows: in the second section we review the literature on war economies and derive our hypotheses. In the third section we review the nightlights literature, introduce our method and data and present visual images of the economic history of Somalia’s cities. In the fourth section we show correlations between nightlight emissions, conflict and exogenous economic shocks, providing preliminary evidence of the validity of the income proxies and the war economy hypotheses. We then present the results of a full multivariate econometric model. The fifth section concludes.

Friday 14 March 2014

Indian girl tonsured for 'speaking to friend'

Original Source: http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2014/03/indian-girl-tonsured-speaking-friend-201431462552469982.html

A girl in the eastern Indian state of Bihar was tonsured and paraded after her face was blackened by village elders as punishment for talking to her boyfriend.
The police have arrested six people after the incident on Tuesday in Kadwa Tola village of Purnea district, about 300km from the provincial capital, Patna.
The 14-year-old girl, an orphan, lives in the village with her grandparents. Her grandfather is a cycle-rickshaw puller.
According to the girl's complaint to the police, the village court ordered the punishment after she was caught talking to her boyfriend.
The girl belongs to the Dalit ("oppressed") community, whose members often face discrimination in India's caste-ridden society.

"They tied us and kept us in a room for whole night and next day the village court slapped the judgement," the girl told Al Jazeera.
The villagers imposed fines of Rs12,000 ($195) on both the boy and the girl for their "act of indiscretion".
"But they let the boy go when his family promised to pay the amount and since we are poor, my family was unable to pay the fine and they meted extreme humiliation to me," she said.
"They first shaved my head and then blackened my face with ash and paraded me in the village," she said.

A local police official said that some villagers had caught the girl talking to the boy at the Gulab Bagh market yard while returning from her school.
"Altogether six out of total seven named accused persons in the case have been arrested and sent to jail," Shweta Gupta, the officer-in-charge of Purnea Women police station, told Al Jazeera.
The village headman, who presides over the court, was among those arrested.
'Unrepentant'
Police officials said some of the villagers were still unrepentant, saying the punishment was for maintaining "social discipline and moral propriety".
Several Indian provinces are notorious for village councils (locally called Khap Panchayats) that have no legal sanction, but yet adjudicate over personal matters.
Scores of boys and girls have died in suspected honour killings ordered by such councils for daring to fall in love and defying caste and cultural restrictions.
In West Bengal state, a woman was allegedly gang-raped recently as punishment for being found with her lover.

Tuesday 11 March 2014

Women’s Day can be special when women are safe

Original Source: http://www.downtoearth.org.in/content/women-s-day-can-be-special-only-when-women-are-safe


Puerile political posturing is not what the women of India need as we celebrate Women's Day 2014.
The usual platitudes will be trotted out no doubt, by the usual suspects. But to stop the violence against women, we need, as some women’s groups have done, to analyse the root causes of the new phenomenon of gang rapes in our urban streets and rural spaces.
Through the ages, poor, vulnerable and defenceless women all over the world have been sexually exploited.  The just released Violence Against Women report by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA), informs us that around one in two women in Britain have been physically or sexually assaulted while the figure for the EU is not much better—one in three women are abused across Europe.
Crack down on mobile porn
Our dalit, adivasi and other impoverished women fall into the category of particularly vulnerable Indian females, as do domestic workers slaving in urban homes.  Rape and sexual abuse are real fears as they go about their daily routine. Yet gang rape, the headlined sort, as happened in Delhi, Mumbai and Kolkata, is a relatively new feature of Indian cities. In almost all these cases, the men were drunk and watching porn on their mobile phones. Rural Indian men who migrate to cities deal with issues of loneliness and isolation. But for them the norm is a Bollywood movie romance. It is not normal for such men to violently insert a bottle or an iron rod into a woman's vagina. Or a child's. Rape is horrendous enough without these new sadistic ideas being implanted into once simple men’s heads via phone pornography. Rape was unheard of in adivasi society. Yet, recently, a Ranchi friend told me that boys as young as 10 years old go to phone shops where they can buy violent porn phone downloads for as little as Rs 10 a shot. And the porn is not mere sex. It’s violent, degrading porn. The rot is endemic and spreading like wildfire not just in major metros but throughout the country.
If we are serious about protecting our women, protecting our culture and protecting our society, we need a stringent crackdown on porn creation and distribution. This is merely the tip of the iceberg and no amount of policing or street lights will protect Indian women if our young boys (and old men) continue this trend of violent addictive porn. Several cases of men photographing their sexual escapades and then blackmailing the girls involved, intimidating them into having sex with other men, and sending pictures across their social circles, all point to a deeper malaise. We are turning into a sick society.
Role of movies, TV
Bollywood and regional film-makers need to check the violence against women depicted on screen. Activist actors like Aamir Khan must aggressively create opinion in film studios for movies which will not stereotypically denigrate and typecast women as mere sexual objects. Likewise, with the advertising world. It is shocking that TV ads continue to show brainless beauties as eye candy ready to fall into the arms of a man with the best bike, car, deo or whisky. We've come a long way baby?!!!  Watch one hour of TV.  It’s pretty pathetic actually. Advertising has not moved with the times. It’s stuck in a stereotypical rut. Only more slick.
What needs to be done
We need special forces, a non-local, national police force to tackle rape in rural areas. The local police are generally from dominant castes and refuse to take action against their own caste perpetrators when dalits or adivasis are raped. Most dalit and adivasi women do not report violence. Studies show that only one per cent of the cases actually filed end in convictions. Almost all cases show that dalit and adivasi women are punished by police officers when trying to file a complaint or threatened into remaining silent by means of physical assaults and rape.  Reports reveal that the women in most cases are denied their right to medical treatment for their injuries.
Women’s groups need to educate young girls to respect themselves and not to be pressured into silly potentially endangering behaviour such as allowing themselves to be videoed nude or in sexual encounters. Education to respect women must begin in middle school. We need creative, inspiring films and videos not boring government propaganda. If film stars help with these campaigns, they could change a potentially explosive situation. We would be cleansing our society of an enormous threat from within. On this Womens' Day, start a campaign. To help Indian society. To help make India safer for your daughters, wives, mothers and sisters.

Wednesday 5 March 2014

Distraught

Original Source: http://howareyoufeelingrightnow.wordpress.com/2014/03/05/distraught/


Each day of my life I have tried to do my best by the people I care for- and I have tried to keep Gandhi’s last man in my thoughts- always. Now I feel guilty that I am wasting the State’s resources by asking for help which is required more urgently by the poor, the marginalized.
In the Mahila Thana, Ghaziabad today there were so many women- most had come for help with issues around domestic violence. I should have been better off- most of them were unable to write their reports. Some had little children in their arms. One was in a burqa.
As I wrote my complaint, the police woman told the burqe waali to go home until her husband turned up for the peshi in the Thana. The Burqe waali’s brother cried out, “Ghar kaise jaa sakti hai madam?”("How can she go home madam?") desperation evident in his voice.
He was no different from the way my brother and my son sound every time they hear me weeping on the phone. They have seen me go through this in both my marriages.
The policewoman sounded quite tough, and to my ears almost callous. I was sure she would insist that the woman go home. The brother requested once again.
My judgement was wrong. The policewoman picked up the phone and spoke to the husband . “Mahila Thana se bolrahi hoon,” the knowledge of the power she wields was evident in every word.
This was not the first time I have seen the police do a good job- one team got my mother to a hospital after a very bad road accident, one Thana incharge advised me to go to the Mahila Thana, and their assessment of Shubhranshu’s mental health has been quicker than that of three qualfied psychiatrists that I have known.
Burqe waali’s husband agreed to be there the next morning.
My face must have shown my own longing – she called my husband next. Clearly this one was exactly the tough cookie I had warned her he would be. When she got off the phone I asked her what he had said, and she hesitated- and then pointed her finger to her head and then to me.
Shubhranshu had clearly said exactly the same thing he has been saying to our common friends for years- that I am mentally unsound and on medication.
I am not surprised.He is never going to stop.
How will I start life afresh when Shubhranshu is saying this on record? He who is known for his credibility- an ex BBC producer, who is running an alternate media portal and contesting the index award ? He has been deleting my messages on every Swara portal for years. And who knows what else, because now I am not sure he is as objective as I thought he was.
I am quite sure he will win the award- I have seen the enthusiasm on the web. And his internet reach is tremendous. He has put in 18 hours daily for years- we chat on two laptops inside the mosquito net on our double bed, from across the dining table.Kinder on the neighbors too.
Can he not see that he has lied to the police officer? So many times I have pointed to him that it is unethical as a journalist and as an activist to present facts in a way that is clever and factually correct but not honest. eg He says he is seeing a psychiatrist- which in english usually means consulting one- but he could mean that he has the psychiatrist on his face book page and they have chatted about a de addicition centre!
When confronted with this he says that everyone is a little mentally unhealthy and it is a matter of opinion, so it is okay to say this about anyone. But is it appropriate for someone in a position of power to imply insanity so loosely?
Well now Shubhranshu is also on medication, and about the same medication that I am taking- and Brahmi does enhance memory- and he says he is feeling calmer- and maybe gradually he will see the error of his ways. And maybe he never will.
Today I have received messages from many people who want to intervene and help us meet up tomorrow- but he has told the policewoman that he is not in town.
I am posting this so that everyone of our friend knows what we are dealing with. I would be grateful if they believed in my sanity too- and stood up and said so.
I have asked that Shubhranshu not be allowed into the flat where I am living alone. I do not want to get into the business of who was beating who- we have already done that to many of our friends. I am asking for help – anyone who can categorically stand for me in court, and who understands that I have been at the receiving end of domestic violence, please mail me at consultsmita.
I will try my best to manage this on my own, but I could do with your help.
But before I work out the violence issue, the first thing I will now look for is a certification of my being a mentally healthy person. I don’t know how this will be done- but I am sure there is a way forward for both of us.
If we are indeed the good people that we believe we are, we will find an acceptable way out

Tuesday 4 March 2014

The Indian Sanitary Pad Revolutionary

Original Source:http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-26260978

Muruganantham stands next to his invention in a still from the documentary Menstrual Man
A school dropout from a poor family in southern India has revolutionised menstrual health for rural women in developing countries by inventing a simple machine they can use to make cheap sanitary pads.
Arunachalam Muruganantham's invention came at great personal cost - he nearly lost his family, his money and his place in society. But he kept his sense of humour.
"It all started with my wife," he says. In 1998 he was newly married and his world revolved around his wife, Shanthi, and his widowed mother. One day he saw Shanthi was hiding something from him. He was shocked to discover what it was - rags, "nasty cloths" which she used during menstruation.
"I will be honest," says Muruganantham. "I would not even use it to clean my scooter." When he asked her why she didn't use sanitary pads, she pointed out that if she bought them for the women in the family, she wouldn't be able to afford to buy milk or run the household.
Wanting to impress his young wife, Muruganantham went into town to buy her a sanitary pad. It was handed to him hurriedly, as if it were contraband. He weighed it in his hand and wondered why 10g (less than 0.5oz) of cotton, which at the time cost 10 paise (£0.001), should sell for 4 rupees (£0.04) - 40 times the price. He decided he could make them cheaper himself.
He fashioned a sanitary pad out of cotton and gave it to Shanthi, demanding immediate feedback. She said he'd have to wait for some time - only then did he realise that periods were monthly. "I can't wait a month for each feedback, it'll take two decades!" He needed more volunteers.
When Muruganantham looked into it further, he discovered that hardly any women in the surrounding villages used sanitary pads - fewer than one in 10. His findings were echoed by a 2011 survey by AC Nielsen, commissioned by the Indian government, which found that only 12% of women across India use sanitary pads.
Muruganantham says that in rural areas, the take-up is far less than that. He was shocked to learn that women don't just use old rags, but other unhygienic substances such as sand, sawdust, leaves and even ash.
Women who do use cloths are often too embarrassed to dry them in the sun, which means they don't get disinfected. Approximately 70% of all reproductive diseases in India are caused by poor menstrual hygiene - it can also affect maternal mortality.
Muruganantham trains a group of womenThe documentary Menstrual Man follows Muruganantham as he installs his machines across India
Finding volunteers to test his products was no mean feat. His sisters refused, so he had the idea of approaching female students at his local medical college. "But how can a workshop worker approach a medical college girl?" Muruganantham says. "Not even college boys can go near these girls!"
He managed to convince 20 students to try out his pads - but it still didn't quite work out. On the day he came to collect their feedback sheets he caught three of the girls industriously filling them all in. These results obviously could not be relied on. It was then that he decided to test the products on himself. "I became the man who wore a sanitary pad," he says.
He created a "uterus" from a football bladder by punching a couple of holes in it, and filling it with goat's blood. A former classmate, a butcher, would ring his bicycle bell outside the house whenever he was going to kill a goat. Muruganantham would collect the blood and mix in an additive he got from another friend at a blood bank to prevent it clotting too quickly - but it didn't stop the smell.
He walked, cycled and ran with the football bladder under his traditional clothes, constantly pumping blood out to test his sanitary pad's absorption rates. Everyone thought he'd gone mad.

Start Quote

My wife gone, my mum gone, ostracised by my village - I was left all alone in life”
Arunachalam Muruganantham
He used to wash his bloodied clothes at a public well and the whole village concluded he had a sexual disease. Friends crossed the road to avoid him. "I had become a pervert," he says. At the same time, his wife got fed up - and left. "So you see God's sense of humour," he says in the documentary Menstrual Man by Amit Virmani. "I'd started the research for my wife and after 18 months she left me!"
Then he had another brainwave - he would study used sanitary pads: surely this would reveal everything. This idea posed an even greater risk in such a superstitious community. "Even if I ask for a hair from a lady, she would suspect I am doing some black magic on her to mesmerise her," he says.
He supplied his group of medical students with sanitary pads and collected them afterwards. He laid his haul out in the back yard to study, only for his mother to stumble across the grisly scene one afternoon. It was the final straw. She cried, put her sari on the ground, put her belongings into it, and left. "It was a problem for me," he says. "I had to cook my own food."
Worse was to come. The villagers became convinced he was possessed by evil spirits, and were about to chain him upside down to a tree to be "healed" by the local soothsayer. He only narrowly avoided this treatment by agreeing to leave the village. It was a terrible price to pay. "My wife gone, my mum gone, ostracised by my village" he says. "I was left all alone in life."
Still, he carried on. The biggest mystery was what successful sanitary pads were made of. He had sent some off for laboratory analysis and reports came back that it was cotton, but his own cotton creations did not work. It was something he could only ask the multinational companies who produced sanitary products - but how? "It's like knocking on the door of Coke and saying, 'Can I ask you how your cola is manufactured?'"
Muruganantham wrote to the big manufacturing companies with the help of a college professor, whom he repaid by doing domestic work - he didn't speak much English at the time. He also spent almost 7,000 rupees (£70) on telephone calls - money he didn't have. "When I got through, they asked me what kind of plant I had," he says. "I didn't really understand what they meant."
In the end, he said he was a textile mill owner in Coimbatore who was thinking of moving into the business, and requested some samples. A few weeks later, mysterious hard boards appeared in the mail - cellulose, from the bark of a tree. It had taken two years and three months to discover what sanitary pads are made of, but there was a snag - the machine required to break this material down and turn it into pads cost many thousands of dollars. He would have to design his own.
Muruganantham installs a machineThe simple machine looks like the Wright brothers' first flight - all the workings are on the outside
Four-and-a-half years later, he succeeded in creating a low-cost method for the production of sanitary towels. The process involves four simple steps. First, a machine similar to a kitchen grinder breaks down the hard cellulose into fluffy material, which is packed into rectangular cakes with another machine.
The cakes are then wrapped in non-woven cloth and disinfected in an ultraviolet treatment unit. The whole process can be learned in an hour.
Muruganantham's goal was to create user-friendly technology. The mission was not just to increase the use of sanitary pads, but also to create jobs for rural women - women like his mother. Following her husband's death in a road accident, Muruganantham's mother had had to sell everything she owned and get a job as a farm labourer, but earning $1 a day wasn't enough to support four children. That's why, at the age of 14, Muruganantham had left school to find work.
The machines are kept deliberately simple and skeletal so that they can be maintained by the women themselves. "It looks like the Wright brothers' first flight," he says. The first model was mostly made of wood, and when he showed it to the Indian Institute of Technology, IIT, in Madras, scientists were sceptical - how was this man going to compete against multinationals?
But Muruganantham had confidence. As the son of a handloom worker, he had seen his father survive with a simple wooden handloom, despite 446 fully mechanised mills in the city. That gave him the courage to take on the big companies with his small machine made of wood - besides, his aim was not really to compete. "We are creating a new market, we are paving the way for them," he says.

Start Quote

I've accumulated no money but I accumulate a lot of happiness”
Arunachalam MurugananthamInventor and social entrepreneur
Unbeknown to him, the IIT entered his machine in a competition for a national innovation award. Out of 943 entries, it came first. He was given the award by the then President of India, Pratibha Patil - quite an achievement for a school dropout. Suddenly he was in the limelight.
"It was instant glory, media flashing in my face, everything" he says. "The irony is, after five-and-a-half years I get a call on my mobile - the voice huskily says: Remember me?"
It was his wife, Shanthi. She was not entirely surprised by her husband's success. "Every time he comes to know something new, he wants to know everything about it," she says. "And then he wants to do something about it that nobody else has done before."
However, this kind of ambition was not easy to live with. Not only was she shocked by his interest in such a matter, but it took up all of his time and money - at the time, they hardly had enough money to eat properly. And her troubles were compounded by gossip.
"The hardest thing was when the villagers started talking and treating us really badly," she says. "There were rumours that he was having affairs with other women, and that was why he was doing such things." She decided to go back home to live with her mother.
After Shanthi, eventually Muruganantham's own mother and the rest of the villagers - who had all condemned, criticised and ostracised him - came round too.
Muruganantham seemed set for fame and fortune, but he was not interested in profit. "Imagine, I got patent rights to the only machine in the world to make low-cost sanitary napkins - a hot-cake product," he says. "Anyone with an MBA would immediately accumulate the maximum money. But I did not want to. Why? Because from childhood I know no human being died because of poverty - everything happens because of ignorance."
He believes that big business is parasitic, like a mosquito, whereas he prefers the lighter touch, like that of a butterfly. "A butterfly can suck honey from the flower without damaging it," he says.
Muruganantham shows how the machine worksMuruganantham trains women to use his machines - he still installs many of them himself
There are still many taboos around menstruation in India. Women can't visit temples or public places, they're not allowed to cook or touch the water supply - essentially they are considered untouchable.
It took Muruganantham 18 months to build 250 machines, which he took out to the poorest and most underdeveloped states in Northern India - the so-called BIMARU or "sick" states of Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh. Here, women often have to walk for miles to fetch water, something they can't do when they are menstruating - so families suffer.
"My inner conscience said if I can crack it in Bihar, a very tough nut to crack, I can make it anywhere," says Muruganantham.
It was hard even to broach the subject in such a conservative society. "To speak to rural women, we need permission from the husband or father," he says. "We can only talk to them through a blanket."
There are also myths and fears surrounding the use of sanitary pads - that women who use them will go blind, for example, or will never get married. But slowly, village by village, there was cautious acceptance and over time the machines spread to 1,300 villages in 23 states.
In each case, it's the women who produce the sanitary pads who sell them directly to the customer. Shops are usually run by men, which can put women off. And when customers get them from women they know, they can also acquire important information on how to use them. Purchasers may not even need any money - many women barter for onions and potatoes.
While getting the message out to new areas of the country is still difficult, Muruganantham is sceptical about the effectiveness of TV advertising. "You always have a girl in white jeans, jumping over a wall," he says. "They never talk about hygiene."
selection of packets showing brand names  Each producer chooses their own brand name - brands include Be Cool, Relax and Touch Free
Most of Muruganantham's clients are NGOs and women's self-help groups. A manual machine costs around 75,000 Indian rupees (£723) - a semi-automated machine costs more. Each machine produces enough pads each month for 3,000 women and provides jobs for 10. They can make 200-250 pads a day which sell for an average of about 2.5 rupees (£0.025) each.
Women choose their own brand-name for their range of sanitary pads, so there is no over-arching brand - it is "by the women, for the women, and to the women".
Muruganantham also works with schools - 23% of girls drop out of education once they start menstruating. Now school girls make their own pads. "Why wait till they are women? Why not empower girls?"
Indian school girls stand before the sanitary pad machine Some Indian school girls are now making their own sanitary pads
The Indian government recently announced it would distribute subsidised sanitary products to poorer women. It was a blow for Muruganantham that it did not choose to work with him, but he now has his eyes on the wider world. "My aim was to create one million jobs for poor women - but why not 10 million jobs worldwide?" he asks. He is expanding to 106 countries across the globe, including Kenya, Nigeria, Mauritius, the Philippines, and Bangladesh.
"Our success is entirely down to word-of-mouth publicity," he says. "Because this is a problem all developing nations face."
Muruganantham now lives with his family in a modest apartment. He owns a jeep, "a rugged car that will take me to hillsides, jungles, forest", but has no desire to accumulate possessions. "I have accumulated no money but I accumulate a lot of happiness," he says. "If you get rich, you have an apartment with an extra bedroom - and then you die."
Muruganantham's wife Shanthi and their daughter Preeti on a day outMuruganantham's wife Shanthi and their daughter Preeti on a day out
He prefers to spend his time talking to university and college students. He's an engaging and funny speaker, despite his idiosyncratic English. He says he is not working brain to brain but heart to heart.
"Luckily I'm not educated," he tells students. "If you act like an illiterate man, your learning will never stop... Being uneducated, you have no fear of the future."
His wife Shanthi agrees with him on this point. "If he had completed his education, he would be like any other guy, who works for someone else, who gets a daily wage," she says. "But because he did not complete school, he had the courage to come out to start a business of his own. Now he's employing other people."
Shanthi and Muruganantham are now a tight unit. "My wife, the business - it is not a separate thing, it is mixed up with our life," he says.

When a girl reaches puberty in their village, there is a ceremony - traditionally it meant that they were ready to marry. Shanthi always brings a sanitary pad as a gift and explains how to use it.
"Initially I used to be very shy when talking to people about it," she says. "But after all this time, people have started to open up. Now they come and talk to me, they ask questions and they also get sanitary napkins to try them. They have all changed a lot in the village."
Muruganantham says she does a wonderful job.
He was once asked whether receiving the award from the Indian president was the happiest moment of his life. He said no - his proudest moment came after he installed a machine in a remote village in Uttarakhand, in the foothills of the Himalayas, where for many generations nobody had earned enough to allow children to go to school.
A year later, he received a call from a woman in the village to say that her daughter had started school. "Where Nehru failed," he says, "one machine succeeded."
School principal Nishi Misra talking to women about hygieneScindia Kanya Vidyalaya school principal Nishi Misra talking to women about hygiene in Madhya Pradesh