The Day After Yesterday

Original Source: http://insightsbydivya.blogspot.in/2014/01/i-live-in-new-delhi.html


I live in New Delhi. 

Notorious (more conspicuously so since December last year) for its violence against women, the city space is one that is increasingly intimidating to the single woman. Like any regular girl, I've had experiences in the past. Public masturbation, 'eve-teasing', the sudden swerve of a tinted car etc etc; most of my friends have shared similar stories of horror with me. We speak with a sense of resignation, to the affairs of the world. We've always been told; "This is how the system works", "Let it go, it's useless to fight, " "Just keep your head down", "Are you sure you didn't say anything?" There is of course the occasional burst of indignation, but nothing substantial. Yes. The public space is not mine anymore. Perhaps it never was, perhaps it was an illusion. MUST NOT RETALIATE- we've been told. 

Conditioned to think of the city as not mine to roam freely in, I've always had this subconscious defensive streak. Don't trust anyone, they say. Don't get into arguments, don't roll down your windows. It's all a little overwhelming to be honest. We all have preconceived notions of each other in this city; somehow all of us seem bound by this external identity. We behave a certain way, like we are expected to. 

I feel compelled to blog about this particular thought because of an incident that happened yesterday. At around 3:30pm, in Shahpur Jat I was trying to find myself a parking space, when while reversing my car bumped another. Now, I am not the best driver in the world, but yes I get around without hitting people's bumpers. The man driving the other car got out, and walked towards my car. He said something loudly which completely escaped me. I was still checking out the damage, there was none. Not a scratch. Relieved, I got out too. It is obviously not a big deal, I thought. The man muttered something about women not being good drivers or something or the other. He started to get inside my car, probably wanted to reverse it. I told him I am very much capable of doing it on my own. He continue shouting, now pointing a finger at me. I realized this was unnecessary, I wanted to get out of it. At the same time, I wanted to stand up. People were gathering around us. They seemed to all know who he was. This seemed to egg him on, he was encouraged to shout louder. He called me a 'kutiya", and the regular ma-behen galis.

This had snowballed. I was digesting it, trying to shout him down. I told him to lower his finger and maintain distance as I started towards my car. He pulled me back and pushed me. Grabbed my clothes. This was getting out of hand. I looked around for help. There was a crowd now. Boys were whispering to each other and laughing. He slapped me. He told me that everyone was mocking me, and that's what happens to girls of 'my kind.' I pleaded with a few old men, asked for help. Everyone told me to move my car, everyone was in a hurry to leave. "hume toh jaane do." I tried to explain that the moment I move my car, the man would also be able to drive off. I did not want that. I had called the cops, so naturally wanted him to be there when the PCR van reached the scene. I stood in front of his car, refusing to let him go. He continued using bad language, showed me the finger. He announced that his father is a DIG, and calling the cops won't help. He moved his car, moving me along with it. It stuck me he won't stop short of running me over. I was in tears. I felt utterly alone. And then I had a breakdown in the middle of the road. 

It's the worst feeling in a public space. It's when you're utterly helpless that even an open space and broad daylight don't come to rescue. There were smiling faces, some concerned. Not one helping hand. I felt vulnerable as an individual. It's that feeling of being an outsider, that finally does you in. I reversed my car, shaking. Crying. I was ashamed, I don't know why. Reason didn't exist anymore. There was no sense of right. 
My folks reached there soon, shocked at my appearance. Must have been a sight; tear-streaked face, disheveled hair, visibly shaking, angry, passers-by stopping to check out the damsel in distress.

The cops were helpful, commenting on how the crowds that gathered with candles to protest never really came to rescue. It was a matter-of-fact statement. The enormity of it made me sad, but it also made me stop crying. My folks tracked down the guy. He was a resident of Shahpur Jat, a Pawan Pawar. It made sense that he behaved a certain way in a public space. He probably had a reputation to keep. His father is powerful, I wondered what he himself did. Does he have a family, a child? A woman in the house? 

The cops asked me to go with them to his place to identify him. In the commotion, I didn't realize that his presence should have been made available to me in a police station and not his own house. Anyway. He had a very old father, retired DIG. They're Jats. My aunt told him so are we. I protested that it didn't matter, that I just needed to see the son and leave. The man wasn't around, and his father refused to get him there in the first place. He used the classic "You're like my daughter" argument. I burst out. Then, I wasn't anyone's daughter, or sister, or a woman. I was an individual with integrity, I wanted my rights. I wanted to get out of this nightmare. The father, he carried a walking stick, kept on apologizing and calling me adamant and a liar. In the same breath. I noticed the double-speak but I was beyond indignation. I told him upon his insistence, that an apology would suffice. My aunt agreed. The son finally came, refused to apologize. Glared at me, and upon more emotional blackmail by his father said, "sorry, okay?" 

I couldn't help but laugh. They must have thought I was mad. Maybe I was. And I was getting madder by the minute. I told the cops that I didn't want to be in that space anymore. I wanted to file an FIR. I succumbed to the process. I called my father, used the contacts. The SHO was called, the IO was instructed. I called up people at work, helpful souls (particularly Soni) immediately came forward. Influential voices were raised. In times like these, an inexperienced mind like mine might not understand the due process that is attached at the hip to our legal system. It's when you most need your people, emotionally and otherwise, no? Mind your words with the cops, the IO (a lady named Rita) was indulging in diplomatic speech. It seemed clear that nothing less than a powerful intervention would be accepted. The poor old father of the man followed us to the police station, with the egoistic son in tow. Tapping his walking stick up and down the stairs, he kept on apologizing. I was overwhelmed with emotions. My family from Jaipur kept on calling, friends' mothers were calling. 

Hours later I lie in bed, drafting this. This is my space, this is my city. I've lived here for 7 years, a young girl learning my ways. The city had always left me with that tiny ray of hope, of being able to see the goodness in the corners. Never before has it exposed itself so blatantly. I've never felt more powerless as a citizen. I don't want to depend on the politics of the process. I ask, how easy is it for us to see each other as just human beings? Not men/women, or belonging to a particular caste, or a certain area. More importantly, how easy is it for us to break free from the prejudice that walks ahead of us. I do not know this man. The crowds only seemed to aggravate the matter. He was fitting into a stereotypical figure that was crafted for him, by us a society. Maybe I was too. I am trying to resolve the emotions I am feeling, trying to make sense. 

All logic escapes me. at is increasingly intimidating to the single woman. Like any regular girl, I've had experiences in the past. Public masturbation, 'eve-teasing', the sudden swerve of a tinted car etc etc; most of my friends have shared similar stories of horror with me. We speak with a sense of resignation, to the affairs of the world. We've always been told; "This is how the system works", "Let it go, it's useless to fight, " "Just keep your head down", "Are you sure you didn't say anything?" There is of course the occasional burst of indignation, but nothing substantial. Yes. The public space is not mine anymore. Perhaps it never was, perhaps it was an illusion. MUST NOT RETALIATE- we've been told. 

Plight of Women in the US Military

Original Source: http://www.indiandefencereview.com/spotlights/plight-of-women-in-the-us-military/

The Indian armed forces are often chided for not increasing the intake of women in the services. Many self-proclaimed activists go to the ludicrous extent of accusing the Indian military of male chauvinism and anti-women bias. They scoff at the cautionary approach of the Indian military leadership and demand that women be allowed to serve in combat formations as well. Invariably, the US military is cited as an example that India should emulate.

According to the pro-US enthusiasts, the US military has seamlessly inducted women in all spheres of military activities, thereby enhancing its war potential. It is also claimed that women are well adjusted in the military environment.

However, the truth is shockingly different. Devotees of the US society and culture will be appalled to learn about the real ground situation. Despite its protestations of being a liberated society, status of women in the US forces is reprehensible. Contrary to popular misconception, women are treated in a despicable and ignoble manner in the US military.

As per the report released by the US Defence Department in May 2013, sexual abuse is a routine occurrence.  The report admitted that, on an average, three sexual assaults took place every hour or 500 every week in the US military during 2012. The Marine Corps had the worst record – on an average, four women were sexually abused each day in 2012. These figures refer only to the reported cases whereas a large number of cases remain unreported.

According to Gordon Duff, senior editor of Veterans Today, “The US military has become a culture of rape, prostitution and violence.  The West Point motto, ‘Duty, Honour, Country’ is not just a joke, it is a criminal lie. Sexual assaults in the military are pervasive and indicative of a diseased military culture.”

A Long History

The US is certainly a pioneer and a trend-setter as regards induction of women in the services. As of 2011, there were 214,098 women on active duty comprising 14.6 percent of the total active force of 1.46 million. Women constituted nearly 20 percent of the reserve force and 20 percent of new recruits. Women’s position in the military is governed by Army Policy AR 600-13 of 1992 and the DOD Policy of 1994.

A number of important steps were initiated through the Clinton Administration’s 1994 Assignment policy – women could be assigned to all positions for which they were qualified, except assignment to units below the brigade level whose primary mission was to engage in direct combat on the ground. Thus women were permitted to join as combat aircraft pilots and could also be assigned for prolonged duty on combat naval ships.

After a prolonged debate, Defence Secretary Robert Gates allowed the Navy to deploy women officers on submarines in 2010. The move reinforced the demand to allow women in combat duties as well. Succumbing to relentless pressure, in January 2013, Defence Secretary Leon Panetta lifted the ban on women serving in combat-related positions. However, to start with, they can be assigned only to combat communication and logistic duties.

Although a large number of women saw action in Iraq and Afghanistan, their employment had been confined to support functions. They performed medical, intelligence, logistic and traffic control duties. Lioness Teams were constituted to help search homes and Iraqi women. Similarly, Female Engagement Teams provide support to the US military in Afghanistan. Their task is to interact and build relationships with Afghan women.

It needs to be highlighted here that while the US and allies suffered considerable casualties, there has not been a single woman battle casualty. All women casualties have been due to hostile activities like car bombs, IED blasts and helicopter crashes and not due to actual combat action.

Training Trauma

Exploitation and sexual abuse of women start during the training period itself. Being young and naïve, they are regularly subjected to indignities both by the training staff and the male colleagues. In the words of a servicewoman, “When I joined the Army, I was a 17 year old enthusiast. Reality came quickly. I cried many nights during basic training. Drill sergeants flirted and had sex (both consensual and not) with recruits and so the story begins in basic training”. The extent of the malaise can be gauged from the fact that a sexual harassment hotline set up at Aberdeen received 6,825 calls from women in just two months.

According to the annual data released by the Pentagon, eighty cases of sexual assaults were reported by students at the three US military academies (the Naval Academy in Annapolis, the Air Force Academy in Colorado Springs and the United States Military Academy at West Point), compared to 65 the previous year.

A panel was constituted to review allegations of sexual misconduct at the United States Air Force Academy (USAFA) in 2003. The panel shocked the nation with its testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee. As per the statistics, there were 142 allegations of sexual assault at the Academy during the ten-year period 1993-2002, for an average of more than 14 allegations a year. According to the Academy’s surveys, this only represents 20 percent of the actual assaults (with female cadets responding that 80 percent of assaults go unreported). Thus the true situation is appalling – 70 allegations of sexual assault per year or 6 per month.

Panel members were stunned to hear stories from victims, many still too afraid to go public with their stories and, more disturbing, too afraid to make an official report of the crime. They shared with the panel members how their lives had been torn apart by a violent assault and an aftermath that most of them suffered alone and in silence because of an atmosphere of fear and retribution. The panel attributed the existence of a hostile environment for women cadets to the prevailing culture of the Academy and the failure of leadership.

Perils of Military Service

‘Command rape’ has come to be accepted as a common phenomenon in the US military. A superior official, under the might of his command authority, can force a subordinate woman soldier to accede to his sexual demands. The rank structure invites sexual exploitation and the culture punishes those who report it.

Many male soldiers feel that women in the military are no good as soldiers and their real value lies in their contribution to keep the organisation in good cheer. Here is the experience recounted by a servicewoman – “I was one of several single female officers (nurse corps) on a Southwestern air base. A famous squadron was performing at the upcoming air show and needed escorts.  They preferred single female nurses in something short, sexy and black. This suggestion made me feel dirty and I felt as if the Air Force was asking me to be a prostitute. I was told that it was expected that the female nursing officers sleep with pilots.”

Sexual harassment and assaults of women soldiers in war zones is known to be brazen and blatant. For that reason, most women dread duty in war zone. As they are too scared to speak, trauma suffered by them is not known to the public. Rather than exposing themselves to sexual indignities, many prefer to be declared ‘absent without leave’.

It was left to Specialist Suzanne Swift of 54th Military Police Company to expose the true state of affairs. Swift declined to serve in Iraq during her unit’s second tenure of duty there. She traumatised the entire nation by revealing that the women are subjected to intense sexual harassment using ‘war zone as a pretext’. She claimed that she was sexually assaulted by three sergeants in Iraq. Intense publicity received by the case has forced the authorities to take a fresh look at the problem that they all knew existed but preferred to ignore.

Citing ongoing hostilities, rape victims are neither given any medical treatment nor are any test carried out in field conditions to collect medical proof of rape for pressing criminal charges. Worse, the victims are coerced to drop all charges. Colleen Mussolino, who served as a cook at Women’s Army Corps, was gang raped, beaten and left for dead. Under continued threats, she ultimately signed an undertaking promising not to press for prosecution.

The Worsening Situation

Alarmed by increasing cases of sexual assaults in the military, a ‘Task Force Report for Care of Victims of Sexual Assault’ was constituted by the Department to review the process for treatment and care of victims of sexual assaults in 2004. The task force recommended that a single point of accountability for sexual assault policy should be established in the Department.

A campaign was launched in 2005 to impart instructions to more than 1,200 sexual assault response coordinators, chaplains, lawyers and law enforcement personnel to create a cadre of trained first responders. In addition, the services trained more than 1,000,000 service members and established sexual assault programme offices at all major installations.

In 2005, the Department established the Sexual Assault Prevention and Response (SAPR) programme to promote prevention, encourage reporting of sexual crime and improve response capabilities. A new establishment called Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office was made responsible for the implementation of policies and oversight activities to assess effectiveness of the programme. It is headed by a Major General.

Section 577 of the Ronald W. Reagan National Defence Authorisation Act for 2004 requires the Secretary of Defence to provide annual report of sexual assaults involving members of the armed forces. The Department released its ninth Annual Report in May 2013. According to it, there were close to 26,000 reported cases of sexual abuse in the military (from groping to rape) during the year 2012. It showed an increase of nearly 40 percent over the figure of 19,000 in 2011. During the period January to September 2013, the number of reported sexual assaults was 3,553, up from 2,434 reports over the same period the previous year, an increase of a whopping 46 percent. Worse, the report showed that 62 percent of those who report sexual abuse in the military are faced with some sort of retaliation for reporting their cases. As per the Pentagon’s estimates, more than 20,000 troops declined to report.

Apparently, the SAPR programme has been a total failure. Instead of stamping out sexual abuse, the problem has only gotten worse. Cases of sexual harassment and assaults of women soldiers continue to be on an increase. The term ‘unwanted sexual contact’ or USC is the survey term for sexual crimes between adults prohibited by military law, ranging from rape to abusive sexual contact. According to a survey, 4.4 percent active duty women experienced some kind of USC in 2010. The USC rate increased to 6.1 percent in 2012. Trashing the much acclaimed redressal system, forty-three percent said they did not expect to be believed.

National Defence Authorisation Act for 2012 requires that each brigade or equivalent unit level be assigned at least one full-time Sexual Assault Response Coordinator and SAPR Victim Advocate. Shockingly, even sexual assault prevention officers have been charged with sexual abuse.  The chief sexual assault prevention officer for the Air Force was arrested on 05 May 2013 for allegedly groping a woman in a parking lot.

Conclusion

The US military was forced to induct more women as there was a shortage of male volunteers for a career in the services. The authorities felt that having women was better than having nothing. However, their treatment has been dishonorable. Most servicewomen have been too traumatised to lead a normal life afterwards and need continuous counseling and medical attention. Even senior women officers are not safe in the US army. Lieutenant General Claudia Kennedy made a sexual harassment claim against fellow officer General Larry Smith, stemming from an incident when she was a major general and he was a brigadier general.

Defence Secretary Chuck Hagel has termed sexual abuse to be a crisis of command that ‘could undermine the very effectiveness of the country’s volunteer military’. Nancy Parrish, president of Protect Our Defenders attributed it to the ‘culture of high tolerance for rape and sexual predators in the ranks that pervades the military’.

Finally, a word about the infamous and shameful Tailhook Incident of 1991; where naval aviators at their annual convention surrounded over 80 ladies including 14 women naval officers stripping them and assaulting them sexually. The naval enquiry tried to downplay the whole incident but the subsequent public uproar forced the US Government to act tough. A number of senior naval officers were forced to retire.

S. Korean "Comfort Women" still waiting for apology after 22 years

Original Source:http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-25654865

Supporters of South Korean women forced into sexual slavery in Japan's military brothels during and after World War II have held a rally outside the Japanese embassy in Seoul.

Rallies in support of the victims - known as comfort women - have been held every week for 22 years.

They are calling for a formal apology and compensation for the thousands of women affected.

Kenya: Women aim to end "rampant" sex for fish trade

Original Source:http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/blogs-news-from-elsewhere-25653497

Women in Kenya are trying to end the practice of female traders having sex with local fishermen in order to secure a regular supply of fish, it's been reported

Sex-for-fish, known locally as "jaboya", has been blamed for spreading HIV/Aids in western Kenya's Lake Victoria region, but women's groups have launched a campaign which aims to stamp it out, The Star newspaper reports.

A project launched by the Victoria Institute for Research and Environmental Development International gives women their own boats, allowing them to repay the cost of the craft through fishing. Dan Abuto, a field officer for the institute, says the repayment money will be pooled, allowing more boats to be built. "The project aims to address jaboya as a public health issue, lessen poverty and gender inequality while being both sustainable fiscally and environmentally," he told The Star.

Widows are said to be particularly at risk from sex-for-fish, especially if they have families to support.

Women's groups say the 80,000 shilling (£560, $920) boats will not only end the sex-for-fish practice - which they describe as "rampant" - but will also slow the transmission rates of HIV. One local official told The Star that "Jaboya is partly to blame for the HIV/AIDS prevalence. If this project succeeds, the spread of the disease will come down".

Empowering Girls to speak out against breast ironing

Original Source: http://www.theguardian.com/global-development-professionals-network/2014/jan/07/empowering-girls-testify-breast-ironing

Elizabeth Mbu kept her secret for 16 years. Aged 11, her mother kneaded her naked, developing breasts with a hot stone twice a week to stop them growing. "Each time I cried as it was really painful," she says. "I didn't understand what was going on, but it was very difficult to speak about." Her mother continued the practice for a year, causing permanent damage.

Now aged 29, Elizabeth is a member of Came women and girls development organisation (Came W&G), which encourages girls to advocate against the practice of breast ironing in Cameroon. Research from 2006 suggests it affects 24% of Cameroonian girls as young as nine. Yet the practice is a closely guarded secret between mothers and daughters. "Mothers say it's normal to do it, because it prevents the girl getting pregnant early and dropping out of school, or being raped," explains Elizabeth. "When they see their girl growing breasts, they think they will attract boys – they are protecting their girls."

Mothers' concerns about teenage pregnancy are not unfounded. A UN Population Fund report found 30% of girls in Cameroon aged 20 to 24 surveyed in 2010 had given birth before they were 18. Only 39% enrol in secondary education.

Came W&G focuses on empowering girls to break their silence. Elizabeth and others organise community meetings in the capital Yaoundé, where they share their physical and mental traumas. The group lobbies traditional leaders and government representatives for change, and carries out door-knocking to persuade mothers and young victims. "It's not an easy thing to talk about publicly," says Elizabeth. "At the beginning I was nervous and cried. Girls are afraid to talk because of how people will see them or talk about their parents. But when they see you explaining your situation they get courage."

Breast-ironing victim Nchang Kazua, 28, campaigns for Came W&G in Bamenda. "Mothers are often bitter about us telling them it's bad because they think it's traditional," she explains. "The girls' testimonies can convince them of the future damage the action will cause." As well as scarring from burning-hot stones or pestles, women report problems with breastfeeding and a loss of confidence.

Came W&G's chair Margaret Nyuydzewira says mobilising younger generations is key to ending breast ironing. She wants to break into the women's associations common in Cameroonian society that help spread the practice. "We need to empower young girls to talk, advocate and sensitise the mothers, as well as traditional leaders to make laws banning breast ironing," she says.

Nyuydzewira wants to set up groups in Cameroon's 10 regions. She needs more funding to deliver advocacy training, but finds it hard to gain support. Nyuydzewira compares the situation to progress on female genital mutilation (FGM). "Look at the resources now committed for FGM – but is still has a long way to go," she says. "With breast ironing we have not even started yet. I tell the girls – you are not going to see results now, but as you keep talking things will change."

Came W&G is one of few organisations challenging breast ironing in Cameroon. Plan International works with girls on other advocacy projects. Its local PR and communication advisor Jaire Moutcheu says girls speaking publicly about issues such as early childhood marriage and rape have a strong impact. "It's down to those girls' testimonies that we were able to reinforce our relationship with the ministry of women's empowerment and family last year," she says. Following an event to mark the International Day of the Girl Child in 2012, the Cameroonian government department signed a joint action agreement with Plan. "The testimonies enabled them to understand that our work in the field is concrete," says Moutcheu.

She advises other NGOs to talk through girls' testimonies with them in detail before public events, and also to gain parental consent and arrange meetings with rights advisors and psycho-social support workers.

The youth outreach programme also focuses on empowering Cameroonian girls. Partnered with charity VSO, it provides civic education and mentoring to encourage women's participation. Programme officer Patience Agwenjang says parents can hinder girl's participation in such programmes. "They fear they will become rebels," she says. "Most of the girls receive insults or intimidation while carrying out public engagements." However, Agwenjang says by continuing the training, girls improve their communication skills and can assert themselves.

One mother says Came W&G's young advocates have already convinced her. "When I found out breast ironing was wrong, I told my daughter I was trying to do the right thing," says Magdalen Obi from Mutengene, who joined Came W&G as a result. "She understood and is not angry with me." Mother and daughter now share their story with other women by giving talks to local organisations and groups. "We tell them this is the wrong thing to do," she says.

Kashmir's skewed sex ratio

Original Source:http://theparallelpost.com/narratives/featured-articles/589-kashmir-s-skewed-sex-ratio.html

The 2011 Census data on sex ratio and especially the child sex ratio in Jammu and Kashmir showed a marked decline. The figures have been contested by the government as well as academics but the moot question remains whether girls are being silently killed in J&K. There is also a larger question of whether the reflection of changing social mores in Kashmiri society is leading to social evils, as some sociologists believe.

The 2011 data showed that the sex ratio in Jammu and Kashmir is 883 per 1000 males and has decreased since 2001 when it was 900 per 1000 males. The child sex ratio saw a sharp fall from 964 girls per 1000 boys in the 2001 Census to 862 girls per 1000 boys in the 2011 Census. While the state government repudiated the 2011 Census data, some academics raised doubts over the reliability of the data.

Sociologist Bashir Ahmed Dabla has raised doubts about the scientific methodology. “As per population trends of J&K, there has been an increase in the male and female population but the data does not reflect that trend.” Dr Dabla, head of department of Sociology at the University of Kashmir, says, “Any study will reflect population trends. However the census figures for J&K do not reflect the population trends.” Dr Dabla says in 1991, the state government had carried out its own census in three districts of Kashmir which showed a 2-3% difference from the official figures. He argues that given the conflict situation in Kashmir, data cannot be reliably collected. 

However Peerzada Mohammed Amin, head of department of Social Work at the University of Kashmir, says changes taking place in Kashmiri society are largely responsible for the skewed sex ratio. Dr Amin blames the increasing grip of materialism on Kashmiri society and loosening of religious and cultural norms. “The institution of marriage and family are losing efficacy. Problems like dowry and dowry deaths, divorces, extra-marital affairs are on the rise,” he says.

“Marriage in Kashmir has become a costly affair, it is a status symbol and people are forced to spend lavishly and even take loans. Added to this, waywardness and permissiveness in society are growing and in these circumstances, parents think it is better not to keep a girl child,” he contends.

Dr Gul Afroz, assistant professor at the Central University’s Law Department agrees that changing social norms are putting pressure in the societal fabric. “We can believe that the data is manipulated but we cannot wish away the reality that female foeticide is happening. We are silently killing our girls.” As part of her research in 2007, Dr Afroz tracked 100 pregnant women to asses if the scourge of female foeticide was prevalent.

“I found that women were going in for sex determination tests and abortions. Nurses and ultrasound technologists would do abortions of girls who got pregnant out of marriage but also for those who wanted to abort a girl foetus.” Dr Afroz says poverty or illiteracy are not the reasons for foeticide. “Even the rich and educated are getting sex selective abortions done. I found that insecurity about safety of girls and concerns about putting together a hefty dowry for them have a role to play.”

 With the state government coming in for flak, it set up a Task Force to study reasons for the decline in the sex ratio. Officials blamed social stigma about girl child, paternal lineage, poverty and illiteracy as main cause for the decline. In October 2013, the government said in the state assembly that during 2013-14, the child sex ratio in the Jammu division had improved to 908 and in Kashmir division to 967. 

Curbing Left Wing Extremism through Mobile Phones

Original Source:http://www.claws.in/Curbing-Left-Wing-Extremism-through-Mobile-Phones-Pratibha-Singh.html

 In the year 2009, the Prime Minister had very rightly labelled “left wing extremism as the biggest threat to the internal security of India. Since then, the Central Government has tried to address the “Maoist problem” at various levels that include, security , development, administration and public perception.^[1]  Though the response strategy has been sound, its implementation leaves much to be desired. In fact a report of an expert group to the Planning Commission of India on Development Challenges in Extremist Affected Areas^[2] specifically highlights that the unrest is growing in states like Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Chhattisgarh , Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand and part of Maharashtrabecause they are minimally administered. It asserts that “there is a kind of vacuum of administration in these areas which is being exploited by the armed movement giving some illusory protection and justice to the local population”.

While much has been said about taking “firm action”^[3]  after the  Maoist guerrillas ambushed the Congress Party convoy earlier this year,Shubhranshu Choudhary, founder of CGNET Swara has a different way of dealing with what is called the “Maoist problem”. He believes it emanates from a breach in communication between mainstream media and its hundred million strong tribal population. In the world’s biggest democracy, mainstream media is yet to be democratised. After having spent seven years with the Maoists while working on his book, “Let’s call Him Vasu”, he found that a vast number of tribals are turning to the Maoists because there is no one else to communicate with them. A tribal journalist is a rare occurrence, which also explains how language acts as a barrier when news from this part of India rarely makes it into the mainstream media. CGNet Swara, a voice portal system, has given voice to the Adivasis, who come from largely oral communities. “Most of these languages do not have a written script and knowledge is passed on through very strong oral traditions”. Consequently, neither print nor visual media are of much significance for the Adivasis.

CGNET Swara- How it Works?

The report on Perception Management in the Indian Army cites that“many villages remain unconnected by road and do not have electricity. Mobility and manoeuvre are limited to foot in most areas. Where road communications exist, these have to be cleared for Improvised Explosive Devices and roadside bombs. Special boats and water crossing equipment is required to negotiate water bodies. In these conditions, the medium for propagating a viable perception plan would have to be well thought out”.

Against this backdrop, CGNET Swara, a citizen journalism project enables any illiterate person to record and listen to stories by calling on a designated number from a mobile phone. According to Telecom Regulatory Authority of India, the total number of telephone connections in India exceeded 91 crore in 2011. Shubhranshu Choudhary along with Bill Thies, who provided the current technology for CGNET Swara, used the ubiquitous nature of mobile phones for setting up this project in the war torn belt of India.

When a person calls on +91 8050068000, the message goes to a server in Bangalore. The caller then disconnects and waits. Within a few seconds, the caller receives another call which directs him to speak after the beep. Ease and economy are the assets of the system, which enables people from socially backward sections of the society to record their messages at no cost.

CGNET Swara receives around 400 calls everyday to listen to the reports(number of messages are less than 40). A team of dedicated moderators and volunteers (who come from both rural and urban landscapes) transcribe and verify these messages before publishing them on the CGNET website and other forms of social media. These stories are then picked up by the mainstream media outlets or government officials for action.

Chhattisgarh Chief Secretary , Sunil Kumar while emphasising the non official nature of the way he uses it has recently said, “I personally find it an effective source of feedback and grievance redressal from the grassroots. I do make use of it off and on”.

Impact

CGNET Swara can become “Google” for India’s poor. It has amplified the voice of those caught in conflict between the State and the Maoist Guerrillas. Largely callers through CGNET Swara highlight governance related issues (or the lack of it). This covers a plethora of issues like absence of teachers from schools, lack of roads and transport facilities in villages, poor condition in hospitals, complaints against private companies, non-payment of wages through rural employment schemes and corruption in the implementation of Forest Rights Act. CGNET also covers large public rallies and gatherings that are organised to raise awareness about individual’s rights and mal-administration in these areas. This platform had also covered the atrocities perpetrated by Salwa Judum, an armed anti Maoist militia.

There are ample success stories that echo of empowerment amongst the tribals, but one of the most touching stories is that of Pitbasu Bhoi from Ambikapur. On 8^th January 2011, a citizen journalist posted an interview with Bhoi who was not paid his wages even after working 100 days for MGNREGA. A week later another citizen journalist ran into Bhoi and discovered that his son died due to non payment of wages.After two leading national dailies , Times of India and the Hindupicked up the story from Swara and followed up , Bhoi was paid his wages on 20 January 2011. He is now a regular contributor to Swara,despite not owning a cellphone himself, (He calls from someone else’s phones)^[4]

Towards building a sustainable model

Local media needs to be strengthened in a dispersed geography marked by diverse culture and languages such as that of Central India. The CGNET Team at times in conjunction with other development agencies trains citizen journalists caught between the conflict between the State and the Maoist Guerillas. This enables people from diverse language groups to tell their stories. Swara has been training “youngAdivasis to record and convey their concerns over mobile phones".

As strange as it may sound, but the government owned All India Radio does not broadcast any news bulletins in a tribal language. The Indian regulations also do not allow community owned radio stations. Swara is now deliberating on launching a radio system at 26.9 to 27.2 MHz which the law allows people to use without licences. Efforts are being made to bring it down to the cost that is affordable for the communities. Besides this, the Swara team is also trying to “scale up its model to include many more dialects and introduce newer services like a special channel on Indian law and one on local medicine”. The latter is already in its experimental phase.

Role of Women in CGNET Swara

While Shubhranshu Choudhary is of the view that they never actively promoted CGNET amongst women yet by now there are nearly as many women reporters as men. Women have covered a range of issues which are rarely covered by the mainstream media. Some women who are addressed as “investigative pro” have reported issues like witch hunting and exploitation of children in the tendu leaf industry. These reports have compelled agencies like National Human Rights Commission and National Commission on Child Rights to step forward and amend matters.

Conclusion

Swara citizen journalists assert that they are not a part of the maoist conflict and say that it exists because of the communication gap in the these areas.Green shoots of self-empowerment and an organised voice in the tribal community of India have perhaps threatened the existence of the Maoist leaders who had garnered their support by exploiting the lacuna in the administrative system.

The role of media in conflict affected areas is complex yet important in terms of how it serves development goals. As Mr. Choudhary has very rightly said, “Everyone knows that when you are dealing with your own people then roses are more useful than guns. If any one can help create a better communication system, which solves problems, then eventually there will be less need for guns. When small problems get accumulated, they are called big problems”.

The author is a Research Assistant at CLAWS

Views expressed are personal

References:

-Perception Management in the Indian Army, a study undertaken by CLAWS for Army Training Command.

-Left Wing Extremism: An Internal Security Challenge and Response Strategy for Security Forces-2015, Report Prepared by CLAWS for Directorate of Net Assessment Headquarters Integrated Defence Staff,New Delhi

-Pain Paromita, “ How a Voice Portal Helped Spread Women’s Tribal Stories in India”, Idea Lab, August 2013

-Saha Anoop, “Cellphones as a tool for Democracy: An Example of CGNET Swara”, Economic and Political Weekly, April 2012

-Acharya Keya, “A Google for India’s poor”, Inter Press News Agency, November 2013

-Lahiri Tripti, “Audio Blogging from India’s Maoist Heartland”, The Wall Street Journal, November 2011

-Chatterjee Siddhartha, “ Flaws in India’s Strategy to counter Maoist Insurgency”, ISN ETH Zurich, August 2012

-“Development Challenges in Extremist Affected Areas:Report of an Expert Group to Planning Commission”, April 2008

-Jayasekera Deepal, “ Indian State to intensify counter insurgency war after Maoist Ambush”, ICFI, May 2013

-Chowdhry Seema, “Spreading a revolution with words”, Livemint, November 2013

-The Role of Media in Reporting Conflictshttp://www.epsusa.org/publications/policybriefs/harris.pdf

-CGNET Swara: Enabling Tribals of Chhattisgarh to tell their stories”http://rising.globalvoicesonline.org/blog/2012/04/22/cgnet-swara-enabling-tribals-of-chhattisgarh-to-tell-their-stories/

-Menon Nivedita, “We’re singing Holi Songs: Inayat Anaita Sabhikhi”, Kafila, July 2013

-Farooquee Niyaz,” Citizen Journalism Grows in India’s War torn Tribal Belt,New York Times, October 2013

-CGNET Swara  http://cgnetswara.org/

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^[1] Left Wing Extremism, An Internal Security Challenge & Response Strategy for Security Forces-2015( Report prepared by Centre for Land Warfare Studies for Directorate of Net Assessment Headquarters Integrated Defence Staff

^[2] Development Challenges in Extremist Affected Areashttp://planningcommission.nic.in/reports/publications/rep_dce.pdf

^[3] Indian State to intensify counter insurgency war after Maoist ambush, http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2013/05/29/indi-m29.html

^[4] Cell phones as a tool for democracy : The Example of CGNET Swara http://indiagovernance.gov.in/files/cgnet-swara.pdf